Yoruba culture

Yoruba copper mask for King Obalufon, Ife, Nigeria c. 1300 CE

The Yoruba are said to be prolific sculptors,[6] famous for their terra cotta works throughout the 12th, 13th and 14th centuries; artists have also shown the capacity to make artwork out of bronze.[7]

Esiẹ Museum is a museum in Esiẹ;[8] a neighbouring town to Oro in Irepodun, Kwara. The museum was the first to be established in Nigeria when it opened in 1945. It once housed over a thousand tombstone figures or images representing human beings. It is reputed to have the largest collection of soapstone images in the world.[9] In modern times, the Esie museum has been the center of religious activities and host a festival in the month of April every year.[10]

Weaving is done on different types of looms in order to create hundreds of different patterns. Adire and Aso Oke are some of the popular textiles in Yoruba land. Adire(tie and dye) is the name given to indigo dyed cloth produced by Yoruba women of south western Nigeria using a variety of resist dye techniques. Adire translates as tie and dye, and the earliest cloths were probably simple tied designs on locally-woven hand-spun cotton cloth much like those still produced in Mali.

Iyan (pounded yam) plate

Cut Moin Moin;"Ewe eran" leaves (Thaumatococcus daniellii) are traditionally used to improve flavoring.

Some common foods native to the Yoruba include moin-moin (steamed bean pudding) and akara (bean cake). Native Yoruba soups include ewedu (jute), gbegiri (which is made from beans), and efo riro (a type of vegetable soup). Such soups as okra soup (locally known as obé ila) and egusi (melon soup) have become very popular in Western Nigeria in recent times and, in addition to Amala (yam flour), a traditional Yoruba meal made of yam flour, these can be eaten with ewedu and gbegiri. Numerous Nigerian meals, including pounded yam (locally referred to as iyan); lafun, a Nigeria fufu made from cassava; semolina; and garri (eba).

Some dishes are prepared specially for festivities and ceremonies. Jollof rice, fried rice and Ofada rice are very common in Nigeria (especially in the southwest region, which includes Lagos). Other popular dishes include Asaro, Efokore, Ekuru and Aro, stews, corn, cassava, and flours (such as maize, yam and plantain flours), eggs, chicken, and assorted meat and fish). Some less well known meals and many miscellaneous staples are arrowroot gruel, sweetmeats, fritters and coconut concoctions; and some breads such as yeast bread, rock buns, and palm wine bread. Yoruba cuisine is quite vast and often includes plantains which can be boiled, fried and roasted.[11]

Yoruba cultural dancers

Music and dance have always been an important part of the Yoruba culture; they are used in many different forms of entertainment. Musical instruments include bata, saworo, sekere, gangan etc. Musical varieties include Juju, Fuji and Afrobeat, with artists including King Sunny Ade, Ebenezer Obey, and KWAM 1.[12]

Since it is generally believed that names are like spirits which would like to live out their meanings, parents do a thorough search before giving names to their babies. Naming ceremonies are performed with the same meticulous care, generally by the oldest family member. Symbolic of the hopes, expectations and prayers of the parents for the new baby, honey, kola, bitter kola, atare (alligator pepper), water, palm oil, sugar, sugar cane, salt, and liquor each have a place and a special meaning in the world-view of the Yoruba. For instance, honey represents sweetness, and the prayer of the parents is that their baby's life will be as sweet as honey.[13]

After the ritual, the child is named and members of the extended family have the honour of also giving a name to the child. The gift of a name comes with gifts of money and clothing. In many cases, the relative will subsequently call the child by the name they give to him or her, so a new baby may thereafter have more than a dozen names.[14]

• Amutorunwa (brought from heaven)
• Oruko - name

Some Yorubas believe that a baby may come with pre-destined names. For instance, twins (ibeji) are believed to have natural-birth names. Thus the first to be born of the two is called Taiwo or Taiye, shortened forms of Taiyewo, meaning the taster of the world. This is to identify the first twin as the one sent by the other one to first go and taste the world. If he/she stays there, it follows that it is not bad, and that would send a signal to the other one to start coming. Hence the second to arrive is named Kehinde (late arrival); it is now common for many Kehindes to be called by the familiar diminutive "Kenny". Irrespective of the sex the child born to the same woman after the twins is called Idowu, and the one after this is called Alaba, then the next child is called Idogbe. Ige is a child born with the legs coming out first instead of the head; and Ojo (male) or Aina (female) is the one born with the umbilical cord around his or her neck. When a child is conceived with no prior menstruation, he or she is named Ilori. Dada is the child born with locked hair; and Ajayi (nicknamed Ogidi Olu) is the one born face-downwards.[15]

Other natural names include Abiodun (one born on a festival day or period), Abiona (one born on a journey) Abidemi or Bidemi (one born without the presence of its father) i.e the child's father didn't witness his baby's naming ceremony but not dead, maybe he just traveled, Enitan (one of a story) this child might have had any of its parents dead before its birth, Bosede (one born on a holy day); Babatunde/Babatunji (meaning father has come back) is the son born to a family where a father has recently passed. This testifies to the belief in reincarnation. Iyabode, Yeside, Yewande, and Yetunde, ("mother has come back") are female counterparts, names with the same meaning.

• Oruko - name
• Abi - birthed
• So - named

These are names that are not natural with the child at birth but are given on either the seventh day of birth (for females) and ninth day of birth (for males). Some Yoruba groups practice ifalomo (6th) holding the naming rites on the sixth day. The influence of Christianity and Islam in Yoruba culture was responsible for the eighth-day naming ceremony. Twin-births when they are male and female are usually named on the eighth day but on the seventh or ninth day if they are same-sex twins. They are given in accordance with significant events at time of birth or with reference to the family tradition as has been mentioned above.

Examples of names given with reference to the family tradition include Ogundiran (Ogun has become a living tradition in the family); Ayanlowo (Ayan drumming tradition is honorable); Oyetoso (Chieftaincy is ornament); Olanrewaju (Honor is advancing forward); Olusegun (God has conquered the enemy).

• Abi - birthed, or Bi - born
• Iku - death, or Ku - die / dead

The Yoruba believe that some children are born to die. This is derived from the phenomenon of the tragic incidents of high rate of infant mortality sometimes afflicting the same family for a long time. When this occurs, the family devises various methods to forestall a recurrence, including giving special names at a new birth.[16] Such names reflect the frustration of the poor parents:

• Malomo (do not go again)[17]
• Kosoko (there is no hoe anymore). This refers to the hoe that is used to dig the grave.[18]
• Kashimawo (let's wait and see). This suggests a somewhat cynical attitude in the parent(s).[19]
• Banjoko (sit with me)[20]
• Orukotan (all names have been exhausted)[21]
• Yemiitan (stop deceiving me)[22]
• Kokumo (this will not die)[23]
• Durojaiye (stay and enjoy life)[24]
• Durotimi or Rotimi (stay with me)[25]
• Durosola (stay and enjoy wealth)

The Yoruba also have pet names or oriki. These are praise names, and they are used to suggest what the child's family background is or to express one's hope for the child: Akanbi- (one who is deliberately born); Ayinde (one who is praised on arrival); Akande (one who comes or arrives in full determination); Atanda (one who is deliberately created after thorough search). For females, Aduke (one who everyone likes to take care of), Ayoke (one who people are happy to care for), Arike (one who is cared for on sight), Atinuke or Abike (one that is born to be pampered).

One can glean an understanding of Yoruba conceptions of gender and sexuality through an examination of how these subjects featured in their faiths and culture. An important insight into the pre-colonial view of women can be gained through a review of the central figures of Yoruba myth.

In one of the myths of the creation of the world, Olodumare, the supreme creator of the Universe created the orishas, divine deities who embodied specific natural forces, human practices, and other important features of the social and natural world. In this story, the orisha Osun, the shining goddess of beauty, fertility, and sensuality, was the youngest of the orishas sent down by the supreme god to set up the world and foster humanity.[27] However, the rest of the Orisha disregarded her contribution, and she was ostracized by them as they used their manly forces to put the world together without her help.[27]

However, their marginalization of Osun coincided with the continual failure of the Earth that was spearheaded by the male orishas, and following their appeal to Olodumare for help, it was revealed that the failure of the world was a result of the men marginalizing Osun and attempting to create a world without the essential feminine influence of Osun.[27] Thus, this story has as a moral the importance of femininity to the orderly working of society in the Yoruba.

Another important figure in the conception of gender and sexuality is Yemoja. According to the different traditions, Yemoja was worshipped as the mother of all Orishas and life on Earth, or the patron deity of women and mothers, as well as of the Ogun river and other in Nigeria.[28] In all cases, she is worshipped as a river goddess to whom adherents of the Ifa religion direct their appeals for fertility.[28] She is one of the most popular deities, and is known by multiple names, including La Sirene, and Yemaya by adherents in Cuba and other parts of the Caribbean.[28]

Shango was, according to tradition, a ruler of the powerful Yoruba polity of Oyo. As is typical of stories in the Yoruba oral tradition, there are multiple variations of the story of Shango. Nevertheless, the essence of the myth maintains that in his mortal life, King Shango ruled the kingdom of Oyo  during a period of great battles and conquest.[29] But his rule ended prematurely following his suicide, in some versions due to being overthrown by subordinate chief, in some versions due to his grief after accidentally killing his family with a newly discovered spell. In any case, his great achievements were posthumously by the gods, and following his death the Orisha deified him, whereupon he became Shango, the Yoruba Orisha of lightning.[29] He is recognized in Africa, Cuba, and elsewhere as a god of thunder and power, symbolizing masculinity and virility.

Another deity which encompasses the Yoruba view of masculinity is Ogun, the Orisha whose cult worships him as the patron deity of iron, war, and hunting.[30] According to the oral tradition, when the Orishas were sent by the Supreme Creator to put the newly created world in order, they were faced with a massive, unfathomable forest which blocked their sight and their access. The Orishas' effort to cut down this forest was futile, as the tools they had were of wood. Ogun then retreated to the inside of a mountain and, after gathering the necessary materials, created iron, from which he was able to fashion suitable tools and clear away the indomitable forest.[31] As the patron god of iron and war, Ogun is the Orisha to whom men and blacksmiths appeal to for matters relating to war and the creation of weapons and tool; thus he encapsulates much of the masculine themes which are relevant to the life of a strong, manly Yoruba warrior, hunter or craftsman.[30] Like Shango, Osun and Yemoja, he is still widely revered among the descendants of the Yoruba in Nigeria and the Caribbean.

These are only four of hundreds of different venerated by the different Yoruba polities in Yorubaland. The Yoruba as a people have never been politically or culturally heterogeneous, and people's views of the orisha varied by according to the dominant views and practices. That being said, Osun, Yemoja, Shango, and Ogun are four of the most widely worshipped deities in the Yoruba pantheon, as demonstrated by the abundance of worshippers of these specific deities in regions outside of Africa. Thus, the cultural significance of these deities provides useful insight into Yoruba conceptions of gender, based on the deities they used to conceptualize these ideas in their theology.

Yorùbá language does not include distinct gender-based pronouns, therefore, Yoruba culture is not as linguistically dichotomized in regards to gender as many Western societies are. Rather, the existence of gender distinctions pertaining to societal roles and expectations can be attributed to mythology, with female and male principles represented differently. These representations typically adhere to the following principles along gendered lines; femininity and coolness, masculinity and toughness.[32] These ideals thus inform gendered norms in Yoruba society. These norms however do not include norms of oppression between genders as the overarching philosophy is one of complimentary gender relations. No sex is inherently dominant, rather each gender enjoys prominence in certain areas.[33] Examples would be farming for men and working the marketplace for women.

Polygamy has a longstanding history within traditional Yoruba culture. As seen in a Yoruba framework, marriage is first and foremost a union between families with the goal of childbearing rather than a romantic contract between two individuals.[34] Thus, sexual pleasure and love between the parties involved are not the objects of marriage. Naturally, the position of king holds great importance in Yoruba culture, but importance is also particularly accorded to the king's partners. As it is ideal for the king to produce as many children as possible, he is expected to have more wives than anyone else.[35]

As the practice of having multiple wives was common in pre-colonial and colonial times, the primary wife would sometimes encourage and even help her husband find a new wife. This was financially beneficial for the new bride and allowed for the social responsibilities of a wife to be shared between more than one woman.[36]

[36] While a senior wife might address the new wife as iyawo mi or aya mi which means my wife, there is no evidence of this being linked to eroticism or a sexual relationship between them. Similarly, in the traditional role of priest, gender fluidity is common but not indicative of homosexuality. The Elegun Sango who are feminine in nature often have many wives and children. The Aboke ‘Badan maintain feminine hairstyles and occasionally dress as women for cultural rites and in the presence of other priests or chiefs. There is no evidence to indicate that the men in either role partake in homosexuality.

Among the Yoruba people in Southwestern Africa sexual health is the focus of young people, the elderly are often removed from the conversation. The sexual health of elderly people is not given as much attention as that of young people. They are often excluded from sexual healthcare services and culturally have more faith in traditional forms of prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted infections than they do in western medicine or condoms. Some acceptable prevention tools are sarun domi and aseje, both of which are traditionally made concoction meant to turn disease into water for the body. Other forms of prevention include incisions, amulets, and wraps.[37]

Among subjects of a research study on the sexual health of Yoruba elders, it was found that 71% of participants were Muslim, most were in polygynous relationship, had no formal education, and were retired. Although some of the subjects did have a formal education, only 20.4% of men and 2.8% of women believed in the usefulness of condoms in the prevention of STIs, making the use of condoms limited and female condoms non-existent.[38] The stigma, shame, lack of awareness of its efficacy, and the misconception about its reduction of sexual pleasure all contribute to the decision not to use them during sex.

Among the elderly Yoruba people, it is commonly accepted than most people will contract gonorrhoea in their lives, one subject of a study even suggesting that only those who have the disease can give birth. Three types of gonorrhoea are acknowledged: those that cause people to ooze pus, blood, and what is described as the dog type (atot si alaja). The perceived risk of contracting HIV is very low but it is acknowledged in the term eedi which describes the highest level of infection and improper treatment for that person. Aisan ti o gboogun which describes the general inadequate treatment of certain health conditions is also proper for those who contract HIV.[37]

While it is socially acceptable for men to have multiple sexual partners while married, even sometimes endorsed by their aging wives, a woman doing the same is frowned upon. The adult children of women will sometimes monitor the activities of their mother to ensure she is not being promiscuous. The folk STI known as magun is a magical substance or curse placed upon a woman to punish her next sexual partner which could result in his death. It is seen as a punishment for sexual immorality.[38] The commonality of male extramarital affairs increases their risk for STIs much more than the risk for women.

The body of a young woman is distinct from a man’s which displays her ability to procreate and her desire for sex. In aging women who no longer have the same level of attractiveness, her value comes from her children and her seniority.  Since women had a duty to give their husbands sex whenever he pleased, aging offers some sexual liberation to women who might have found it painful. Beliefs surrounding the dangers of peri and post-menopausal sex discourage it.[39]

Uterine fibroid also known as a folk pregnancy

The dangers of a folk pregnancy or fibroid is called oyun iju. This is believed to occur when women beyond child-bearing age have unproductive sex resulting in a fibroid to which there is no treatment, rather than a baby. It is also understood that a woman over the age of 60 has the right to retire from her sexual duties to her husband. After having his children and being a good wife, she allows him to engage in extramarital affairs so she can focus on raising her children and grandchildren. For aging women, menopause is a legitimate reason to avoid sex. A woman’s sexual desire is not absent from her life as an elder but is detached from her duty to her husband.[39]