Symmetrical voice
Symmetrical voice, also known as Austronesian alignment, the Philippine-type voice system or the Austronesian focus system, is a typologically unusual kind of morphosyntactic alignment in which "one argument can be marked as having a special relationship to the verb".[1] This special relationship manifests itself as a voice affix on the verb that corresponds to the syntactic role of a noun within the clause, that is either marked for a particular grammatical case or is found in a privileged structural position within the clause or both.
Linguistic typology |
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Morphological |
Morphosyntactic |
Word order |
Lexicon |
Symmetrical voice is best known from the languages of the Philippines, but is also found in Taiwan's Formosan languages, as well as in Borneo, Northern Sulawesi, and Madagascar, and has been reconstructed for the ancestral Proto-Austronesian language.[2]
Terminology
The term Austronesian focus was widely used in early literature, but more scholars turn to the term voice recently because of the arguments against the term 'focus'.[3] On the other hand, Starosta argued that neither voice nor focus is correct and that it is a lexical derivation.[4]
Schachter (1987) proposed the word 'trigger', which has seen widespread use. As one source summarized, 'focus' and 'topic' do not mean what they mean in discourse (the essential piece of new information, and what is being talked about, respectively), but rather 'focus' is a kind of agreement, and the 'topic' is a noun phrase that agrees with the focus-marked verb. Thus using those terms for Austronesian/Philippine alignment is "misleading" and "it seems better to refer to this argument expression as the trigger, a term that reflects the fact that the semantic role of the argument in question triggers the choice of a verbal affix."[5]
Studies
A number of studies focused on the typological perspective of Austronesian voice system.[6][7]
Some explored the semantic or pragmatic properties of Austronesian voice system.[8][9]
Properties
Agreement with the semantic role of the subject
In languages that exhibit symmetrical voice, the voice affix on the main verb within the clause marks agreement with "the semantic role of the [subject]".[11]
For example, the Actor Voice affix may agree only with agent nominal phrases. (The asterisk means that the sentence is ungrammatical for the intended meaning.)
- Kapampangan
S‹um›ulat
‹AV›will.write
ya=ng
3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ing
DIR
lalaki
boy
king
OBL
pisara.
blackboard
"The boy will write a poem on the blackboard."
*
Sumulat
yang
lalaki
ing
poesia
king
pisara.
Intended: "The boy will write a poem on the blackboard."
(Grammatical for: "The poem will write a boy on the blackboard.")
*
Sumulat
yang
poesia
ing
pisara
king
lalaki.
Intended: "The boy will write a poem on the blackboard."
(Grammatical for: "The blackboard will write a poem on the boy.")
- Tagalog
B‹um›ili
‹ASP.AV›buy
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
ang
DIR
lalaki.
man
"The man bought a mango at the market."
*
Bumili
ng
lalaki
sa
palengke
ang
mangga.
Intended: "The man bought a mango at the market."
(Grammatical for: "The mango bought a man at the market.")
*
Bumili
ng
mangga
sa
lalaki
ang
palengke.
Intended: "The man bought a mango at the market."
(Grammatical for: "The market bought a mango from the man.")
The sentences in (b) are ungrammatical because the patient nominal phrase is marked as the subject, even though the verb bears the Actor Voice infix. The sentences in (c) are ungrammatical because, instead of the agent nominal phrase, the location nominal phrase is marked as the subject.
The patient voice affix may agree only with patient nominal phrases.
- Kapampangan
I-sulat
PV-will.write
n=e
3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
poesia
poem
king
OBL
pisara.
blackboard
"The poem will be written by the boy on the blackboard."
*
Isulat
ne
ning
poesia
ing
lalaki
king
pisara.
Intended: "The poem will be written by the boy on the blackboard."
(Grammatical for: "The boy will be written by the poem on the blackboard.")
*
Isulat
ne
ning
lalaki
ing
pisara
king
poesia.
Intended: "The poem will be written by the boy on the blackboard."
(Grammatical for: "The blackboard will be written by the boy on the poem.")
- Tagalog
B‹in›ili-∅
‹ASP›buy-PV
ng
IND
lalaki
man
sa
OBL
palengke
market
ang
DIR
mangga.
mango
"The mango was bought by the man at the market."
*
Binili-∅
ng
mangga
sa
palengke
ang
lalaki.
Intended: "The mango was bought by the man at the market."
(Grammatical for: "The man was bought by the mango at the market.")
*
Binili-∅
ng
lalaki
sa
mangga
ang
palengke.
Intended: "The mango was bought by the man at the market."
(Grammatical for: "The market was bought by the man at the mango.")
The sentences in (b) are ungrammatical because the agent nominal phrase is marked as the subject, even though the verb bears the patient voice affix. The sentences in (c) are ungrammatical because, instead of the patient nominal phrase, the location nominal phrase is marked as the subject.
The locative voice affix may agree only with location nominal phrases.
- Kapampangan
Pi-sulat-an
LV-will.write-LV
n=e=ng
3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
pisara.
blackboard
"The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy."
*
Pisulatan
neng
poesia
ning
pisara
ing
lalaki.
Intended: "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy."
(Grammatical for: "The boy will be written a poem on by the blackboard.")
*
Pisulatan
neng
pisara
ning
lalaki
ing
poesia.
Intended: "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy."
(Grammatical for: "The poem will be written a blackboard on by the boy.")
- Tagalog
B‹in›ilh-an
‹ASP›buy-LV
ng
IND
lalaki
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
ang
DIR
palengke.
market
"The market was bought a mango at by the man."
*
Binilhan
ng
palengke
ng
mangga
ang
lalaki.
Intended: "The market was bought a mango at by the man."
(Grammatical for: "The man was bought a mango from by the market.")
*
Binilhan
ng
lalaki
ng
palengke
ang
mangga.
Intended: "The market was bought a mango at by the man."
(Grammatical for: "The mango was bought a market at by the man.")
The sentences in (b) are ungrammatical because the agent nominal phrase is marked as the subject, even though the verb bears the locative voice affix. The sentences in (c) are ungrammatical because, instead of the location nominal phrase, the patient nominal phrase is marked as the subject.
Types of semantic roles
Across languages, the most common semantic roles with which the voice affixes may agree are agent, patient, location, instrument, and benefactee. In some languages, the voice affixes may also agree with semantic roles such as theme, goal, reason, and time. The set of semantic roles that may be borne by subjects in each language varies, and some affixes can agree with more than one semantic role.
Promotion direct to subject
Languages that have symmetrical voice do not have a process that promotes an oblique argument to direct object. Oblique arguments are promoted directly to subject.
- Tagalog
Nagpadala
M-n-pag-padala
AV-ASP-¿?-send
AGENT
ang
DIR
mama
man
THEME
ng
IND
pera
money
GOAL
sa
OBL
anak
child
niya.
3SG.GEN
"The man sent money to his child."
P‹in›adalh-an
‹ASP›send-LV
AGENT
ng
IND
mama
man
THEME
ng
IND
pera
money
GOAL
ang
DIR
anak
child
niya.
3SG.GEN
"Hisi child was sent money by the mani."
*
Nagpadalhan
M-n-pag-padalh-an
AV-ASP-¿?-send-LV
AGENT
ang
DIR
mama
man
THEME
ng
IND
pera
money
GOAL
ng
IND
anak
child
niya.
3SG.GEN
Intended: "The man sent his child money."
In the Tagalog examples above, the goal nominal phrase can either be an indirect object, as in (1), or a subject as in (2). However, it cannot become a direct object, or be marked with indirect case, as in (3). Verb forms, such as "nagpadalhan", which bear both an Actor Voice affix and a non-Actor Voice affix, do not exist in languages that have symmetrical voice.
The Tagalog examples contrast with the examples[12] from Indonesian below. Indonesian is an Austronesian language that does not have symmetrical voice.
- Indonesian
AGENT
Ayah
father
mengirim
meN-kirim
ACTIVE VOICE-send
THEME
uang
money
GOAL
kepada
to
saya.
1SG
"Father sent money to me."
GOAL
Saya
1SG
di-kirim-i
PASSIVE VOICE-send-APPLICATIVE
THEME
uang
money
AGENT
oleh
by
Ayah.
father
"I was sent money by Father."
AGENT
Ayah
father
mengirimi
meN-kirim-i
ACTIVE VOICE-send-APPLICATIVE
GOAL
saya
1SG
THEME
uang.
money
"Father sent me money."
In the Indonesian examples, the goal nominal phrase can be the indirect object, as in (4), and the subject, as in (5). However, unlike in Tagalog, which has symmetrical voice, the goal nominal phrase in Indonesian can be a direct object, as in (6). The preposition kepada disappears in the presence of the applicative suffix -i, and the goal nominal phrase moves from sentence-final position to some verb-adjacent position. In addition, they can behave like regular direct objects and undergo processes such as passivisation, as in (5).
Examples
Proto-Austronesian
The examples [13] below are in Proto-Austronesian. Asterisks indicate a linguistic reconstruction. The voice affix on the verb appears in red text, while the subject, which the affix selects, appears in underlined bold italics. Four voices have been reconstructed for Proto-Austronesian: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice and Instrument Voice.
- Proto-Austronesian
*
K‹um›aen
‹AV›eat
Semay
rice
Cau.
man
"The man is eating some rice."
*
Kaen-en
eat-PV
nu
ERG
Cau
man
Semay.
rice
"A/the man is eating the rice." (or "The rice is being eaten by a/the man.")
*
Kaen-an
eat-LV
nu
ERG
Cau
man
Semay
rice
Rumaq.
house
"The man is eating rice in the house." (or "The house is being eaten rice in by the man.")
*
Si-kaen
IV-eat
nu
ERG
Cau
man
Semay
rice
lima-ni-á.
hand-GEN-3SG
"The man is eating rice with his hand." (or "Hisi hand is being eaten rice with by the mani.")
Modern Austronesian languages
Below are examples of modern Austronesian languages that exhibit symmetrical voice. These languages are spoken in Taiwan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Madagascar.
The number of voices differs from language to language. While the majority sampled have four voices, it is possible to have as few as three voices, and as many as six voices.
In the examples below, the voice affix on the verb appears in red text, while the subject, which the affix selects, appears in underlined bold italics.
Formosan
The data below come from Formosan, a geographic grouping of all Austronesian languages that belong outside of Malayo-Polynesian. The Formosan languages are primarily spoken in Taiwan.
Amis
Amis[14] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case marker, which marks the subject in Amis, is ku.
Mi-ʔaɬup
AV-hunt
ku
DIR
kapah
young man
tu
ACC
vavuy.
pig
"A young man hunts a pig."
Ma-ʔaɬup
PV-hunt
nu
ERG
kapah
young man
ku
DIR
vavuy.
pig
"A young man hunts a pig." (or "A pig is hunted by a young man.)
Pi-ʔaɬup-an
LV-hunt-LV
nu
ERG
kapah
young man
kura
that.DIR
lutuk
mountain
tu
ACC
vavuy.
pig
"A young man hunts a pig on that mountain." (or "That mountain is hunted a pig on by a young man.")
Sa-pi-ʔaɬup
IV-hunt
nu
ERG
kapah
young man
ku
DIR
ʔiluc
spear
tu
ACC
vavuy.
pig
"A young man hunts a pig with a spear." (or "A spear is hunted a pig with by a young man.")
Atayal
While they both have the same number of voices, the two dialects of Atayal presented below do differ in the shape of the circumstantial voice prefix. In Mayrinax, the circumstantial voice prefix is si-, whereas in Squliq, it is s-.
Mayrinax
Mayrinax[15] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial Voice prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
The direct case morpheme in Mayrinax is kuʔ.
M-aras
AV-fetch
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
water
kuʔ
DIR
makurakis.
girl
"The girl fetches water."
Ras-un
fetch-PV
nkuʔ
ERG
makurakis
girl
kuʔ
DIR
qusiaʔ.
water
"The girl fetches water." (or "Water is fetched by the girl.")
Ras-an
fetch-LV
nkuʔ
ERG
makurakis
girl
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
water
kuʔ
DIR
βintaŋ
water bucket
ka
LIG
hani.
this
"The girl fetches water in this water bucket." (or "This water bucket is fetched water in by the girl.")
Si-ʔaras
CV-fetch
nkuʔ
ERG
makurakis
girl
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
water
kuʔ
DIR
mamaliku=niaʔ.
husband=3SG.GEN
"The girl fetches water for her husband." (or "Her husbandi is fetched water for by the girli.")
Si-ʔaras
CV-fetch
nkuʔ
ERG
makurakis
girl
cuʔ
ACC
qusiaʔ
water
kuʔ
DIR
βintaŋ
water bucket
ka
LIG
hani.
this
"The girl fetches water with this water bucket." (or "This water bucket is fetched water with by the girl.")
Squliq
Squliq[16] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
The direct case morpheme in Squliq is qu’.
M-aniq
AV-eat
qulih
fish
qu’
DIR
Tali’.
Tali
"Tali eats fish."
Niq-un
eat-PV
na’
ERG
Tali’
Tali
qu’
DIR
qulih
fish
qasa.
that
"Tali eats that fish." (or "That fish is eaten by Tali.")
Niq-an
eat-LV
na’
ERG
Tali’
Tali
qulih
fish
qu’
DIR
ngasal
house
qasa.
that
"Tali eats fish in that house." (or "That house is eaten fish in by Tali.")
S-qaniq
CV-eat
na’
ERG
Tali’
Tali
qulih
fish
qu’
DIR
Sayun.
Sayun
"Tali eats fish for Sayun." (or "Sayun is eaten fish for by Tali.")
S-qaniq
CV-eat
na’
ERG
Tali’
Tali
qulih
fish
qu’
DIR
qway.
chopsticks
"Tali eats fish with chopsticks." (or "Chopsticks are eaten fish with by Tali.")
Hla’alua
Hla’alua[17][18] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for location and theme subjects.
While bound pronouns have a direct case form, nouns do not bear a special direct case marker for subjects in Hla’alua.
Hli-um-u=cu=aku
ASP-AV-eat=ASP=1SG.DIR
hlavate
guava
usua.
two
"I have eaten two guavas."
Hli-paipekel-a=cu
ASP-mould-PV=ASP
a
DET
Eleke
Eleke
a
DET
tangusuhlu=na.
rice.cake=DEF
"Eleke has moulded the rice cake." (or "The rice cake has been moulded by Eleke.")
Hli-aala-ana
ASP-take-CV
’Angai
’Angai
vutukuhlu
fish
a
DET
hluuhlungu=na.
stream=DEF
"’Angai has caught fish in the stream." (or "The stream has been caught fish in by ’Angai.")
Hli-aala-ana=ku
ASP-take-CV=1SG.ERG
a
DET
vahlituku-isa
money-3
ama’a.
father
"I have taken father's money." (or "Father's money has been taken by me.")
Kanakanavu
Kanakanavu[19] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which optionally marks the subject in Kanakanavu, is sua.
K‹um›aʉn
‹AV›eat
(sua)
DIR
ŋiau
cat
tapianaŋai.
bird
"A cat ate a bird."
Cʉʔʉr-ai
see-PV
maanu
child
iisi
this
(sua)
DIR
tacau
dog
iisa.
that
"This child saw that dog." (or "That dog was seen by this child.")
Riucuucu-an
kiss-LV
Mu'u
Mu'u
(sua)
DIR
PaicU.
PaicU
"Mu'u kissed PaicU." (or "PaicU was kissed by Mu'u.")
Si-puʔa
IV-buy
maanu-maku
child-1SG.GEN
ʔʉnai
land
sua
DIR
vantuku
money
iisi.
this
"My child bought land with this money." (or "This money was bought land with by my child.")
Kavalan
Kavalan[20] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kavalan, is ya.
Q‹em›al
‹AV›dig
tu
ACC
rasung
well
ya
DIR
sunis.
child
"The child dug a well."
Qal-an
dig-PV
na
ERG
sunis
child
ya
DIR
rasung.
well
"The child dug the well." (or The well was dug by the child.")
Ti-tangan=ku
CV-open=1SG.ERG
tu
ACC
ineb
door
ya
DIR
suqsuq.
key
"I opened the door with the key." (or "The key was opened the door with by me.")
Ti-sammay
CV-cook
na
ERG
tama=ku
father=1SG.GEN
ya
DIR
tina=ku.
mother-1SG.GEN
"My father cooked for my mother." (or "My mother was cooked for by my father.")
Paiwan
Paiwan[21] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Paiwan, is a.
Q‹m›ałup
‹AV›hunt
a
DIR
tsautsau
man
tua
OBL
vavuy
pig
i
PREP
(tua)
(OBL)
gadu
mountain
tua
OBL
vuluq.
spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear."
Qałup-en
hunt-PV
nua
ERG
tsautsau
man
a
DIR
vavuy
pig
i
PREP
(tua)
(OBL)
gadu
mountain
tua
OBL
vuluq.
spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The pigs are hunted by the man in the mountains with a spear.")
Qałup-an
hunt-LV
nua
ERG
tsautsau
man
tua
OBL
vavuy
pig
a
DIR
gadu
mountain
tua
OBL
vuluq.
spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The mountains are hunted the pigs in by the man with a spear.")
Si-qałup
IV-hunt
nua
ERG
tsautsau
man
tua
OBL
vavuy
pig
i
PREP
(tua)
(OBL)
gadu
mountain
a
DIR
vuluq.
spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The spear is hunted the pigs with by the man in the mountains.")
Pazeh
Pazeh,[22] which became extinct in 2010, had four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Pazeh, is ki.
Mu-ngazip
AV-bite
yaku
1SG
ki
DIR
wazu.
dog
"The dog bit me."
Ngazib-en
bite-PV
wazu
dog
lia
ASP
ki
DIR
rakihan.
child
"A dog bit the child." (or The child was bitten by a dog.")
Pu-batu’-an
pave-stone-LV
lia
ASP
ki
DIR
babaw
above
daran.
road
"The road surface was paved with stones."
Saa-talek
IV-cook
alaw
fish
ki
DIR
bulayan.
pan
"The pan was cooked fish with."
Puyuma
Puyuma[23] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Puyuma, is na or i.
Tr‹em›akaw
‹AT.RL›steal
dra
ACC
paisu
money
i
DIR
Isaw.
Isaw
"Isaw stole money."
Tu=trakaw-aw
3.ERG=steal-PT.RL
na
DIR
paisu
money
kan
ERG
Isaw.
Isaw
"Isaw stole the money." (or "The money was stolen by Isaw.")
Tu=trakaw-ay=ku
3.ERG=steal-LT.RL=1SG.DIR
dra
ACC
paisu
money
kan
ERG
Isaw.
Isaw
"Isaw stole money from me." (or "I was stolen money from by Isaw.")
Tu=trakaw-anay
3.ERG=steal-CT.RL
i
DIR
tinataw
his.mother
dra
ACC
paisu.
money
"He stole money for his mother." (or "Hisi mother was stolen money for by himi.")
Ku=dirus-anay
1SG.ERG=wash-CT.RL
na
DIR
enay
water
kan
ACC
Aliwaki.
Aliwaki
"I washed Aliwaki with water." (or "The water was washed Aliwaki with by me.")
Seediq
The two dialects of Seediq presented below each have a different number of voices. The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in both dialects, is ka.
Tgdaya
Tgdaya[25] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice and Instrument Voice.
S‹em›ebuc
‹AV›hit
ricah
plum
ka
DIR
Pawan.
Pawan
"Pawan is hitting plums."
Sebet-un
hit-PV
na
ERG
Pawan
Pawan
ka
DIR
ricah.
plum
"Pawan is hitting the plum." (or "The plum is being hit by Pawan.")
Sebet-an
hit-LV
na
ERG
Pawan
Pawan
ricah
plum
ka
DIR
peepah.
farm.field
"Pawan is hitting plums in the farm field." (or "The farm field is being hit plums in by Pawan.")
Se-sebuc
IV-hit
na
ERG
Pawan
Pawan
ricah
plum
ka
DIR
butakan.
stick
"Pawan is hitting plums with the stick." (or "The stick is being hit plums with by Pawan.")
Truku
Truku[26] has three voices: Actor Voice, Goal Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The goal voice suffix selects for patient and location subjects. The circumstantial voice prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
K‹em›erut
‹AV›cut
babuy
pig
ka
DIR
Masaw.
Masaw
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig."
Keret-an
cut-GV
Masaw
Masaw
ka
DIR
babuy.
pig
"Masaw slaughters the pig." (or "The pig is slaughtered by Masaw.")
Keret-an
cut-GV
laqi
child
sagas
watermelon
ka
DIR
keti’inuh
board
ni’i.
this
"The child cuts watermelon on this board." (or "This board is cut watermelon on by the child.")
Se-kerut
CV-cut
babuy
pig
Masaw
Masaw
ka
DIR
baki.
old.man
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig for the old man." (or "The old man is slaughtered a/the pig for by Masaw.")
Se-kerut
CV-cut
babuy
pig
Masaw
Masaw
ka
DIR
puting.
knife
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig with the knife." (or "The knife is slaughtered a/the pig with by Masaw.")
Tsou
Tsou[27] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Benefactive Voice. In addition to the voice morphology on the main verb, auxiliary verbs in Tsou, which are obligatory in the sentence,[28] are also marked for voice. However, auxiliaries only differentiate between Actor Voice and non-Actor Voice[29] (in green text).
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tsou, is ’o.
Mi-’o
AUX.AV-1SG.DIR
mo-si
AV-put
to
OBL
peisu
money
ne
OBL
Nookay.
Nookay
"I deposit money in Nookay."
Os-’o
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG
si-a
put-PV
to
OBL
panka
table
’o
DIR
peisu.
money
"I put the money on the/a table." (or "The money was put on the/a table by me.")
Os-’o
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG
si-i
put-LV
to
OBL
chumu
water
’o
DIR
kopu.
cup
"I put water into the cup." (or "The cup was put water into by me.")
Os-’o
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG
si-i-neni
put-LV-BV
to
OBL
ocha
tea
’o
DIR
Pasuya.
Pasuya
"I served tea for Pasuya." (or "Pasuya was served tea for by me.")
Batanic
The data below come from the Batanic languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian. These languages are spoken on the islands found in the Luzon Strait, between Taiwan and the Philippines.
Ivatan
Ivatan[31][32] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Ivatan, is qo.
Mangamoqmo
m-pang-qamoqmo
AV-¿?-frighten
qo
DIR
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay.
house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house."
Qamoqmo-hen
frighten-PV
no
IND
tao
man
qo
DIR
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay.
house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "A child is being frightened with a snake in the house by the man.")
Pangamoqmoan
pang-qamoqmo-an
¿?-frighten-LV
no
IND
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
qo
DIR
vahay.
house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "The house is being frightened a child in with a snake by the man.")
Qipangamoqmo
qi-pang-qamoqmo
CV-¿?-frighten
no
IND
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
qo
DIR
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay.
house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "The snake is being frightened a child with in the house by the man.")
Qipangamoqmo
qi-pang-qamoqmo
CV-¿?-frighten
no
IND
tao
man
so
ACC
motdeh
child
no
IND
boday
snake
do
OBL
vahay
house
qo
DIR
kayvan-a.
friend-3SG.GEN
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house for his friend." (or "Hisi friend is being frightened a child for with a snake in the house by the mani.")
Yami
Yami[36] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Yami, is si for proper names, and o for common nouns.
K‹om›an
‹AV›eat
so
OBL
wakay
sweet potato
si
DIR
Salang.
Salang
"Salang ate a sweet potato."
Kan-en
eat-PV
na
3SG.ERG
ni
ERG
Salang
Salang
o
DIR
wakay.
sweet potato
"Salang ate the sweet potato." (or "The sweet potato was eaten by Salang.")
Ni-akan-an
ASP-eat-LV
na
3SG.ERG
o
DIR
mogis
rice
ori
that
ni
ERG
Salang.
Salang
"Salang ate from some of that rice." (or "Some of that rice was eaten from by Salang.")
I-akan
IV-eat
na
3SG.ERG
ni
ERG
Salang
Salang
o
DIR
among
fish
ya.
this
"Salang ate (a meal) with this fish." (or "This fish was eaten (a meal) with by Salang.")
Philippine
The data below come from Philippine languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian, predominantly spoken across the Philippines, with some found on the island of Sulawesi in Indonesia.
Blaan
Blaan[37][38][39] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Non-Actor Voice.
The non-Actor Voice affix selects for patient and location subjects, depending on the inherent voice of the verb.
Agent Prefocus Base[40] | Patient Prefocus Base[41] | Instrument Prefocus Base[42] | |||
(1) | Actor Voice (intransitive) Stifun assemble ale. 3PL.DIR "They assemble." |
(1) | Actor Voice M-bat AV-throw agu 1SG.DIR bula. ball "I throw the ball." |
(1) | Actor Voice K‹am›lang ‹AV›cut agu 1SG.DIR kayu. tree "I cut the tree." |
(2) | Actor Voice (transitive) S‹am›tifun ‹AV›assemble ale 3PL.DIR dad PL to. person "They assemble the people." |
(2) | Patient Voice (with patient subject Bat=gu throw=1SG.ERG bula. ball "I throw the ball" |
(2) | Non-Actor Voice (with patient subject) K‹an›lang=gu ‹NAV›cut=1SG.ERG kayu. tree "I cut the tree." |
(3) | Non-Actor Voice (with patient subject) S‹an›tifun=la ‹NAV›assemble=3PL.ERG dad PL to. person "They assemble the people." |
(3) | Non-Actor Voice (with location subject) N-bat=gu NAV-throw=1SG.ERG bula ball diding. wall "I throw the ball at the wall." |
(3) | Instrument Voice Klang=gu cut=1SG.ERG kayu tree falakol. hatchet "I cut the tree with the hatchet." |
Cebuano
Cebuano[43] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Circumstantial Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for location, benefactee and goal subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Cebuano, is ang or si.
Mo-luto’
AV-cook
si
DIR
Maria
Maria
ug
ACC
kalamay
type.of.dessert
para
for
kang
OBL
Pedro.
Pedro
"Maria will cook kalamay for Pedro."
Luto’-on
cook-PV
sa
ERG
babaye
woman
ang
DIR
bugas
rice
sa
OBL
lata.
can
"The woman will cook the rice in the can."
(or "The rice will be cooked by the woman in the can.")
Luto’-an
cook-CV
sa
ERG
babaye
woman
ang
DIR
lata
can
ug
ACC
bugas.
rice
"The woman will cook rice in the can."
(or "The can will be cooked rice in by the woman.")
Luto’-an
cook-CV
ni
ERG
Maria
Maria
si
DIR
Pedro
Pedro
ug
ACC
kalamay.
type.of.dessert
"Maria will cook Pedro kalamay."
(or "Pedro will be cooked kalamay for by Maria.")
Sulat-an
write-CV
ni
ERG
Inday
Inday
si
DIR
Perla
Perla
ug
ACC
sulat.
letter
"Inday will write Perla a letter."
(or "Perla will be written a letter to by Inday.")
I-sulat
IV-write
ni
ERG
Linda
Linda
ang
DIR
lapis
pencil
ug
ACC
sulat.
letter
"Linda will write a letter with the pencil."
(or "The pencil will be written a letter with by Linda.")
Kalagan
Kalagan[44] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kalagan, is ya. The direct case form of the first person, singular pronoun is aku, whereas the ergative case form is ku.
K‹um›amang
‹AV›get
aku
1SG.DIR
sa
OBL
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
Kamang-in
get-PV
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "The water will be gotten by me with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
Pag-kamang
IV-get
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
lata
can
sa
OBL
tubig
water
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "The can will be gotten the water with by me for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
Kamang-an
get-CV
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
Ma’
Dad
sa
OBL
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
adti
on
balkon
porch
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "Dad will be gotten the water for by me with the can on the porch on Monday.")
Kamang-an
get-CV
ku
1SG.ERG
ya
DIR
balkon
porch
sa
OBL
tubig
water
na
PREP
lata
can
kan
for
Ma’
Dad
na
PREP
lunis.
Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
(or "The porch will be gotten the water from by me with the can for Dad on Monday.")
Kapampangan
Kapampangan[45] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Goal Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
The direct case morpheme in Kapampangan is ing, which marks singular subjects, and reng, which is for plural subjects. Non-subject agents are marked with ergative case, ning, while non-subject patients are marked with accusative case, -ng, which is cliticized onto the preceding word.[46]
S‹um›ulat
‹AV›will.write
yang
ya=ng
3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ing
DIR
lalaki
boy
king
OBL
pen
pen
king
OBL
papil.
paper
"The boy will write a poem with a pen on the paper."
I-sulat
PV-will.write
ne
na+ya
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
poesia
poem
king
OBL
mestra.
teacher.F
"The boy will write the poem to the teacher."
(or "The poem will be written by boy to the teacher.")
Sulat-anan
will.write-GV
ne
na+ya
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
mestro.
teacher.M
"The boy will write to the teacher."
(or "The teacher will be written to by the boy.")
Pi-sulat-an
LV-will.write-LV
neng
na+ya=ng
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
blackboard.
blackboard
"The boy will write a poem on the blackboard."
(or "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy.")
Panyulat
paN-sulat
CV-will.write
neng
na+ya=ng
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ning
ERG
lalaki
boy
ing
DIR
pen.
pen
"The boy will write a poem with the pen."
(or "The pen will be written a poem with by the boy.")
Pamasa
paN-basa
CV-will.read
nong
na+la=ng
3SG.ERG+3PL.DIR=ACC
libru
book
ning
ERG
babai
woman
reng
PL.DIR
anak.
child
"The woman will read a book for the children."
(or "The children will be read a book for by the woman.")
Limos Kalinga
Limos Kalinga[47] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, Benefactive Voice and Instrument Voice.
Except for when the subject is the agent, the subject is found directly after the agent in the clause.
Nandalus
n-man-dalus
ASP-AV-wash
si
DIR
Malia=t
Malia=OBL
danat
PL
palatu.
plate
"Malia washed some plates."
Binayum
b‹in›ayu-∅=m
‹ASP›pound-PV=2SG.ERG
din
DIR
pagoy.
rice
"You pounded the rice."
(or "The rice was pounded by you.")
D‹in›alus-an
‹ASP›wash-LV
ud
ERG
Malia
Malia
danat
DIR.PL
palatu.
plate
"Malia washed the plates."
(or "The plates were washed by Malia.")
I-n-dalus-an
BV-ASP-wash-BV
ud
ERG
Malia
Malia
si
DIR
ina=na=t
mother=3SG.GEN=OBL
nat
SG
palatu.
plate
"Malia washed a plate for her mother."
(or "Heri mother was washed a plate for by Maliai.")
I-n-dalus
IV-ASP-wash
ud
ERG
Malia
Malia
nat
DIR
sabun
soap
sinat
OBL.SG
palatu.
plate
"Malia washed a plate with the soap."
(or "The soap was washed a plate with by Malia.")
Maranao
Maranao[49] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Circumstantial Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The circumstantial suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Maranao, is so.
S‹om›ombali’
‹AV›butcher
so
DIR
mama’
man
sa
OBL
karabao
water.buffalo
ko
PREP
maior.
mayor
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor."
Sombali’-in
butcher-PV
o
ERG
mama’
man
so
DIR
karabao.
water.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo."
(or "The water buffalo will be butchered by the man.")
Sombali’-an
butcher-CV
o
ERG
mama’
man
so
DIR
maior
mayor
sa
OBL
karabao.
water.buffalo
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor."
(or "The mayor will be butchered water buffalo for by the man.")
Koaq-an
get-CV
o
ERG
mama’
man
sa
OBL
bolong
medicine
so
DIR
tinda.
store
"The man will get the medicine at/from the store."
(or "The store will be gotten medicine at/from by the man.")
I-sombali’
butcher-IV
o
ERG
mama’
man
so
DIR
gelat
knife
ko
PREP
karabao.
water.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo with the knife."
(or "The knife will be butchered the water buffalo with by the man.")
Palawan
Palawan[50] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
‹Mog›lamuʔ
‹ASP.AV›cook
libun
woman
in
that.DIR
ot
IND
lugow
congee
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
sot
on
apuy.
fire
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person."
La~lamuʔ-on
ASP~cook-PV
ot
IND
libun
woman
lugow
congee
in
that.DIR
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
sot
on
apuy.
fire
"The woman will cook the congee on the fire for the sick person."
(or "The congee will be cooked on the fire for the sick person by the woman.")
I-la~lamuʔ
IV-ASP~cook
ot
IND
libun
woman
lugow
congee
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
apuy
fire
in.
that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee with the fire for the sick person."
(or "The fire will be cooked congee with for the sick person by the woman.")
La~lamuʔ-an
ASP~cook-CV
ot
IND
libun
woman
ot
IND
lugow
congee
sot
on
apuy
fire
mosakit
sick person
in.
that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person."
(or "The sick person will be cooked congee for on the fire by the woman.")
La~lamuʔ-an
ASP~cook-CV
ot
IND
libun
woman
ot
IND
lugow
congee
kot
for
mosakit
sick person
apuy
fire
in.
that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person."
(or "The fire will be cooked congee on for the sick person by the woman.")
Subanen
Subanen[51] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The examples below are from Western Subanon, and the direct case morpheme in this language is og.
S‹um›aluy
‹ASP.AV›buy
og
DIR
polopanad
teacher
nog
IND
kolatas.
paper
"A teacher will buy some paper."
Soluy-on
buy-ASP.PV
nog
IND
polopanad
teacher
og
DIR
kolatas.
paper
"A teacher will buy some paper."
(or "Some paper will be bought by a teacher.")
Soluy-an
buy-ASP.CV
nog
IND
polopanad
teacher
og
DIR
bata′
child
nog
IND
kolatas.
paper
"A teacher will buy some paper for a child."
(or "A child will be bought some paper for by a teacher.")
Tagalog
Tagalog has six voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice, and Reason Voice.
The locative voice suffix selects for location and goal subjects. (In the examples below, the goal subject and the benefactee subject are the same noun phrase.)
The reason voice prefix can only be affixed to certain roots, the majority of which are for emotion verbs (e.g., galit "be angry", sindak "be shocked"). However, verb roots such as matay "die", sakit "get sick", and iyak "cry" may also be marked with the reason voice prefix.
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tagalog, is ang. The indirect case morpheme, ng /naŋ/, which is the conflation of the ergative and accusative cases seen in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, marks non-subject agents and non-subject patients.
B‹um›ili
‹ASP.AV›buy
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
mama.
man
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
B‹in›ili-∅
‹ASP›buy-PV
ng
IND
mama
man
sa
OBL
palengke
market
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
mangga.
mango
"The man bought the mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The mango was bought by the man at the market for the woman by means of money.")
B‹in›ilh-an
‹ASP›buy-LV
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
palengke.
market
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The market was bought a mango at by the man for the woman by means of money.")
B‹in›ilh-an
‹ASP›buy-LV
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
ale.
woman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The woman was bought a mango for by the man at the market by means of money.")
I-b‹in›ili
BV-‹ASP›buy
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
sa
OBL
pamamagitan
means
ng
IND
pera
money
ang
DIR
ale.
woman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The woman was bought a mango for by the man at the market by means of money.")
Ipinambili
Ip‹in›aN-bili
‹ASP›IV-buy
ng
IND
mama
man
ng
IND
mangga
mango
sa
OBL
palengke
market
para
for
sa
OBL
ale
woman
ang
DIR
pera.
money
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
(or "The money was bought a mango with by the man at the market for the woman.")
Ik‹in›a-iyak
‹ASP›RV-cry
ng
IND
bata
child
ang
DIR
pag-kagat
NMLZ-bite
sa
OBL
kaniya
3SG.OBL
ng
IND
langgam.
ant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him."
(or "An/the ant's biting of him was cried about by the child.")
‹Um›iyak
‹ASP.AV›cry
ang
DIR
bata
child
dahil
because
k‹in›agat-∅
‹ASP›bite-PV
siya
3SG.DIR
ng
IND
langgam.
ant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him."
(or "The child cried because he was bitten by an/the ant.")
Tondano
Tondano[54] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial Voice selects for instrument, benefactee, and theme subjects.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
Si
AN.SG
tuama
man
k‹um›eoŋ
‹AV›will.pull
roda
cart
wo
with
n-tali
INAN-rope
waki
to
pasar.
market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
Roda
cart
keoŋ-ən
will.pull-PV
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
wo
with
n-tali
INAN-rope
waki
to
pasar.
market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
(or "The cart will be pulled with rope to the market by the man.")
Pasar
market
keoŋ-an
will.pull-LV
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
roda
cart
wo
with
n-tali.
INAN-rope
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
(or "The market will be pulled the cart to with the rope by the man.")
Tali
rope
i-keoŋ
CV-will.pull
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
roda
cart
waki
to
pasar.
market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
(or "The rope will be pulled the cart with to the market by the man.")
Se
AN.PL
okiʔ
child
i-lutuʔ
CV-will.cook
ni
ERG.AN.SG
mama
mother
seraʔ
fish
"Mother will cook fish for the children."
(or "The children will be cooked fish for by mother.")
Ləloŋkotan
ladder
i-wareŋ
CV-will.return
ni
ERG.AN.SG
tuama
man
waki
to
wale.
house
"The man will return the ladder to the house."
(or "The ladder will be returned by the man to the house.")
Bornean
The data below come from Bornean languages, a geographic grouping under Malayo-Polynesian, mainly spoken on the island of Borneo, spanning administrative areas of Malaysia and Indonesia.
Bonggi
Bonggi[55][56] has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrumental Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and goal subjects.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
Sia
3SG.DIR
imagi
in-N-bagi
RL-AV-divide
louk
fish
nyu.
2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish."
Louk
fish
nyu
2PL.GEN
biagi
b‹in›agi-∅
‹RL›divide-PV
nya.
3SG.ERG
"He divided your fish." (or "Your fish was divided by him.")
Badiʔ
machete
ku
1SG.GEN
pimagi
p‹in›əN-bagi
‹RL›IV-divide
nya
3SG.ERG
louk
fish
nyu.
2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish with my machete." (or "My machete was divided your fish with by him.")
Ou
1SG.DIR
bigiadn
b‹in›agi-adn
‹RL›divide-CV
nya
3SG.ERG
louk
fish
nyu.
2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish for me." (or "I was divided your fish for by him.")
Ou
1SG.DIR
biniriadn
b‹in›ori-adn
‹RL›give-CV
nya
3SG.ERG
siidn.
money
"He gave money to me." (or "I was given money to by him.")
Kadazan Dusun
Kadazan Dusun[58] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Benefactive Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kadazan Dusun, is i.
Mog-ovit
AV-bring
i
DIR
ama’
father
di
IND
tanak
child
do
ACC
buuk.
book
"Father is bringing the child a book."
Ovit-on
bring-PV
di
IND
ama’
father
di
IND
tanak
child
i
DIR
buuk.
book
"Father is bringing the child the book." (or "The book is being brought to the child by Father.")
Ovit-an
bring-BV
di
IND
ama’
father
i
DIR
tanak
child
do
ACC
buuk.
book
"Father is bringing the child a book." (or "The child is being brought a book to by Father.")
Kelabit
Kelabit[59] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Instrument Voice.
Unlike other languages presented here, Kelabit does not use case-marking or word-ordering strategies to indicate the subject of the clause.[60] However, certain syntactic processes, such as relativization, target the subject. Relativizing non-subjects results in ungrammatical sentences.[61]
La’ih
man
sineh
that
nenekul
in-N-tekul
ASP-AV-spoon.up
nubaq
rice
nedih
3SG.GEN
ngen
with
seduk.
spoon
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon."
Sikul
t‹in›ekul-∅
‹ASP›spoon.up-PV
la’ih
man
sineh
that
nubaq
rice
nedih
3SG.GEN
ngen
with
seduk.
spoon.
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon." (or "Hisi rice was spooned up with a spoon by that mani.")
Seduk
spoon
penenekul
p‹in›eN-tekul
‹ASP›IV-spoon.up
la’ih
man
sineh
that
nubaq
rice
nedih.
3SG.GEN
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon." (or "A spoon was spooned hisi rice up with by that mani.")
Kimaragang
Kimaragang[63] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice and Locative Voice.
Only intransitive verbs can be marked with the locative voice suffix,[64] which looks similar to the patient voice suffix.[65]
The direct case marker, which marks the subject in Kimaragang, is it for definite nouns and ot for indefinite nouns.
Mangalapak
m-poN-lapak
AV-TR-split
oku
1SG.DIR
do
IND.INDF
niyuw.
coconut
"I will split a coconut/some coconuts."
Lapak-on
split-PV
ku
1SG.IND
it
DIR.DEF
niyuw.
coconut
"I will split the coconuts." (or "The coconuts will be split by me.")
Lapak-an
split-BV
ku
1SG.IND
do
IND.INDF
niyuw
coconut
it
DIR.DEF
wogok.
pig
"I will split some coconuts for the pigs." (or "The pigs will be split some coconuts for by me.")
Tongo
what
ot
DIR.INDF
pangalapak
∅-poN-lapak
IT-TR-split
nu
2SG.IND
dilo’
that.IND
niyuw
coconut
______?
DIR
"What will you split those coconuts with?" (or "The thing that will be split those coconuts with by you is what?")
Siombo
where
ot
DIR.INDF
ogom-on
sit-LV
ku
1SG.IND
_____?
DIR
"Where shall I sit?" (or "The thing that will be sat upon by me is where?")
Timugon Murut
Timugon Murut[69] has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
There is no direct case marker to mark subjects in Timugon Murut. However, non-subject agents are marked with the ergative case marker, du, while non-subject non-agents are marked with the oblique case marker, da.
Mambali
m-paN-bali
AV-¿?-buy
dŭanduʔ=ti
woman=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=sŭab=no
OBL=morning=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money."
Bali-on
buy-PV
konoon
clothes
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=sŭab=no
OBL=morning=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "Clothes will be bought for the child in the morning by the woman with her money.")
Bali-in
buy-BV
dalaiŋ=no
child=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=sŭab=no
OBL=morning=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "The child will be bought clothes for in the morning by the woman with her money.")
Duit=na-no
money=3SG.GEN-DET
pambabali
paN-CV~bali
¿?-IV~buy
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=sŭab=no.
OBL=morning=DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "Heri money will be bought clothes with for the child in the morning by the womani.")
Sŭab=na
morning=DET
pambalian
paN-bali-an
¿?-buy-CV
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "The morning will be bought clothes in for the child by the woman with her money.")
Barito
The data below represent the Barito languages, and are from a language spoken on Madagascar, off the east coast of Africa. Other languages from Barito are spoken in Indonesia and the Philippines.
Malagasy
Malagasy[70] has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
Malagasy does not have a direct case marker. However, the subject is found in sentence-final position.
Mamono
m-aN-vono
AV-TR-kill
akoho
chicken
amin'ny
with'DET
antsy
knife
ny
DET
mpamboly.
farmer
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife."
Vonoin'ny
vono-ina'ny
kill-PV'DET
mpamboly
farmer
amin'ny
with'DET
antsy
knife
ny
DET
akoho.
chicken
"The farmer kills the chickens with the knife." (or "The chickens are killed with the knife by the farmer.")
Amonoan'ny
aN-vono-ana'ny
TR-kill-CV'DET
mpamboly
farmer
akoho
chicken
ny
DET
antsy.
knife
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife." (or "The knife is killed chickens with by the farmer.")
Amonoan'ny
aN-vono-ana'ny
TR-kill-CV'DET
mpamboly
farmer
akoho
chicken
ny
DET
vahiny.
guest
"The farmer kills chickens for the guests." (or "The guests are killed chickens for by the farmer.")
Non-Austronesian examples
Alignment types resembling symmetrical voice have been observed in non-Austronesian languages.
Nilotic
The Nilotic languages are a group of languages spoken in the eastern part of Sub-Saharan Africa.
Dinka
Dinka is a dialect continuum spoken in South Sudan. The two dialects presented below each have a maximum of three voices.
Agar
Andersen (1991) suggests that Agar exhibits symmetrical voice. This language has a maximum of three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice. The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb. The non-finite form of the verb found in the examples[71] below is yḛ̂ep "cut".
ô̰ok
1PL
á̰a-y‹ḛ̀›p
D.PL-‹AV›cut
tḭ̀im
tree
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
"We are cutting the tree with the axe."
tḭ̀im
tree
à̰-y‹ḛ́›p-kṳ̀
D-‹PV›cut-1PL
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
"We are cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The tree is being cut by us with the axe.")
yê̤ep
axe
à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p
D-‹CV›cut
ó̰ok
1PL.GEN
tḭ̀im.
tree
"We are cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The axe is being cut the tree with by us.")
However, the number of voice morphemes available in this language is reduced to two when the agent is a full noun (i.e., not a pronoun), such as in the examples[72] below. In (5a), where the subject is a patient, and the agent is not a pronoun, the verb is marked with Circumstantial Voice. Compare to (2) above, in which the agent is pronominal, and the verb is marked with patient voice morpheme, ḛ́.
dhɔ̤̀ɔk
boy
à̰-y‹ḛ̀›p
D-‹AV›cut
tḭ̀im
tree
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe."
tḭ̀im
tree
à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p
D-‹CV›cut
dhɔ̤̀ɔk
boy
nè̤
PREP
yê̤ep.
axe
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The tree is being cut by the boy with the axe.")
yê̤ep
axe
à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p
D-‹CV›cut
dhɔ̤̀ɔk
boy
tḭ̀im.
tree
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The axe is being cut the tree with by the boy.")
Bor
Van Urk (2015) suggests that Bor exhibits symmetrical voice. This language has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb. The non-finite form of the verb found in the examples[73] below is câam "eat".
Àyén
Ayen
à-c‹à›m
3SG-‹AV›eat
cuî̤in
food
nè̤
PREP
pǎal.
knife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife."
Cuî̤in
food
à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m
3SG-‹PV›eat
Áyèn
Ayen.ERG
nè̤
PREP
pǎal.
knife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife." (or "Food is being eaten by Ayen with a knife.")
Pǎal
knife
à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m-è̤
3SG-‹PV›eat-CV
Áyèn
Ayen.ERG
cuî̤in.
food
"Ayen is eating food with a knife." (or "The knife is being eaten food with by Ayen.")
Kurmuk
Andersen (2015) suggests that Kurmuk, which is spoken in Sudan, has a construction that resembles symmetrical voice. This language has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The subject in the examples[75] below is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
t̪áarák
person
ꜜbóor-ú-∅
skin-PST-AV
dɛ̀ɛl
goat
kʌ̀
PREP
ŋɪ̀ɪr.
knife
"The man skinned a goat with a knife."
dɛ̀ɛl
goat
bóor-út̪-ɪ̀
skin-PST-PV
ŋʌ̀
NOM
t̪áarák
person
kʌ̀
PREP
ŋɪ̀ɪr.
knife
"The man skinned the goat with a knife." (or "The goat was skinned by the man with a knife.")
ŋɪ̀ɪr
knife
bóor-út̪-ꜜɪ́
skin-PST-CV
dɛ́ɛl
goat
ŋʌ̀
NOM
t̪áarák.
person
"The man skinned a goat with the knife." (or "The knife was skinned a goat with by the man.")
Notes
Glosses
Here is a list of the abbreviations used in the glosses:
1 first person DEF definite LIG ligature RL realis mood 2 second person DET determiner LV locative voice RV reason voice 3 third person DIR direct case M masculine SG singular ACC accusative case ERG ergative case NAV non-actor voice TR transitive AN animate F feminine NMLZ nominalizer ¿? morpheme of unknown semantics ASP aspect GEN genitive case NOM nominative case AV actor voice GV goal voice OBL oblique case AUX auxiliary verb INAN inanimate PL plural BV benefactive voice IND indirect case PREP preposition CV circumstantial voice INDF indefinite PST past tense D declarative IV instrument voice PV patient voice
Endnotes
- Blust (2013), p. 436.
- Beguš, Gašper. (2016). "The Origins of the Voice/Focus System in Austronesian". Presented at the 42nd Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS42).
- Himmelmann, N. P. (2002). Voice in western Austronesian: An update. In F. Wouk & M. Ross (Eds.), The History and Typology of western Austronesian voice systems (pp. 7-15). Canberra, ACT: Australian National University.
- Starosta, Stanley. (2002). Austronesian ‘Focus’ as Derivation: Evidence from Nominalization. Language and Linguistics, 3(2), 427-479.
- Masumi Katagiri (2020) 'Tagalog'. In Tasaku Tsunoda (ed.) Mermaid Construction: A Compound-Predicate Construction with Biclausal Appearance. De Gruyter. P. 786.
- Hemmings, Charlotte. (2015). Kelabit Voice: Philippine‐Type, Indonesian‐Type or Something a Bit Different? Transactions of the Philological Society, 113(3), 383-405.
- Liao, Liao, H. C. (2011). Some morphosyntactic differences between Formosan and Philippine languages. Language and Linguistics, 12(4), 845-876.
- Kroeger, Paul. (2007). Morphosyntactic vs. morphosemantic functions of Indonesian –kan. In A. Zaenen et al. (Eds.), Architectures, Rules, and Preferences: Variations on Themes of Joan Bresnan (pp. 229-251).
- Huang, Shuan-fan. (2002). The pragmatics of focus in Tsou and Seediq. Language and Linguistics, 3(4), 665-694.
- Fortin, Catherine. (2003). Syntactic and Semantic Valence: Morphosyntactic Evidence from Minangkabau. In Proceedings of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS 29).
- Ross (2002, p. 20)
- Taken from Shiohara (2012)'s examples in (4a-b) on page 60, and in (12) on page 63. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Blust (2013)'s Table 7.2 on page 439. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Liu (2011)'s examples in (2.5) on page 27. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Liu (2011)'s examples in (2.30) on page 44. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Liu (2017)'s examples in (52) to (56). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Pan (2012)'s examples in (3.16b), (3.23a), (3.32d) and (3.33a). Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- The orthography used in this subsection does not conform to the orthography used in Pan (2012) with respect to the consonant /ɬ/. Whereas Pan (2012) represents this sound as ‹lh›, this sound is represented here as ‹hl› (Pan (2012; page 50)).
- Taken from Liu (2014)'s examples in (5a), (5c), (17a), and (20a). Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Lee (2016)'s examples in (24), and (25). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Ross and Teng (2005)'s examples in (2). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Li (2000)'s examples in (22), (39), and (58), and Li (2002)'s example in (15). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Aldridge (2015)'s examples in (7), and Cauquelin (1991)'s example on page 44. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- While this example may come from Cauquelin (1991), the orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Aldridge (2015).
- Taken from Kuo (2015)'s examples in (2.1) on page 14. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Tsukida (2012)'s examples in (3). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Huang and Huang (2007)'s examples in III in the Appendix, pages 449-450. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Zeitoun (2005), page 266
- Zeitoun (2005), page 267 ("actor voice" and "undergoer voice", respectively, in her terminology).
- In their gloss for this example, Huang and Huang (2007, page 450) suggest that the benefactive voice suffix attaches to a stem composed of the verb and the locative voice ("locative voice" in their terminology).
- Taken from Reid (1966)'s examples on pages 26 and 27. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article.
- The orthography used for the data here reflects the transcription system used by Reid (1966). It seems that, from the Wikipedia article on Ivatan, this may not be the actual spelling system that the speakers of this language use. The sound represented by ‹q› is /ʔ/.
- Reid (1966; pp 25-27) presents an alternative form for the verb in locative voice. Instead of appearing with the 'pang-' prefix, a verb of this class in locative voice form may appear with just the '-an' suffix. For this example, instead of 'pangamoqmoan', the verb would be 'qamoqmoan'. Reid indicates that the distinction between these two forms is that the patient of the action must be explicit for the form appearing without the 'pang-' prefix.
- Reid (1966; pp 25-27) presents an alternative form for the verb in circumstantial voice, when it selects for instrument subjects. Instead of appearing with the 'pang-' prefix, a verb of this class in circumstantial voice form may appear with just the 'qi-' prefix. For this example, instead of 'qipangamoqmo', the verb would be 'qimoqmo'. Reid indicates that the distinction between these two forms is that the patient of the action must be explicit for the form appearing without the 'pang-' prefix.
- Reid (1966; pp 25-27) does not present any alternative form for verbs of this class in circumstantial voice, when they select for benefactee subjects.
- Taken from Huang (2014)'s examples in (3a-d) on page 251. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Abrams (1970)'s examples on page 2. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Abrams (1970, pages 1-2) indicates that Blaan verbs are classified into three types of prefocus bases, each of which has an inherent voice without bearing any voice affixes. An agent prefocus base is a bare verb that is inherently in Actor Voice voice. A patient prefocus base is inherently in patient voice, and an instrument prefocus base is inherently in instrument voice.
- Blaan has two morphemes which, when attached to a prefocus base, change the inherent voice of the base. These morphemes are the Actor Voice affix, m-/-am-, and the non-Actor Voice affix, n-/-an- ("subject focus" and "non-subject focus" in Abrams (1970, page 1)'s terminology, respectively).
- Abrams (1970, page 2) has not found many examples of an agent prefocus base taking either of the voice-changing morphemes. However, in that rare example in which an agent prefocus base does, both voice-changing morphemes transitivize the intransitive agent prefocus base. In addition, the Actor Voice affix keeps the base in Actor Voice voice, while the non-Actor Voice affix changes the voice of the base to non-Actor Voice voice, and allows for the selection of a patient subject.
- Without any voice-changing morphemes, patient prefocus bases take patient subjects. The Actor Voice affix changes the voice of the base to Actor Voice voice, allowing the verb to take an agent subject. The non-Actor Voice affix allows a patient prefocus base to take location subjects.
- The Actor Voice affix changes the inherent instrument voice of the base to Actor Voice voice, whereas the non-Actor Voice affix changes the voice to non-Actor Voice voice, and allows for the selection of a patient subject.
- Taken from Bell (1976)'s examples on pages 8, 9, and 11. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Travis (2010)'s examples in (46) on page 42. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Mirikitani (1972)'s examples in (64), (95), (96), (100), (101) and (106). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- In the examples, the word to which the accusative case marker attaches is a pronoun or portmanteau pronoun that is obligatorily present in the same clause as the noun with which it is co-referential. In sentences with an Actor Voice, the pronoun co-refers with the agent subject. In sentences with a non-Actor Voice, the portmanteau pronoun co-refers with both the ergative agent and the non-agent subject, which is marked with direct case.
- Taken from Ferreirinho (1993)'s examples in (100), (245), (246), (247) and (248). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -on or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
- Taken from McKaughan (1962)'s examples on pages 48 and 50, and from McKaughan (1970)'s example in (4). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Tryon (1994)'s examples on pages 35 and 36. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Estioca (2020)'s examples on page 123. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -in or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
- The subject in (6a) is the nominalization of the adverbial clause in (6b).
- Taken from Sneddon (1970)'s examples on page 13, and from Sneddon (1975)'s examples on pages 63 and 66. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Boutin (2002)'s examples in (3), and (4) on page 211, (6) and (7) on page 212, and in (44) on page 222. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Boutin (2002; pp. 211-212) presents other voice-related data. However, because these are periphrastic constructions, they are of no interest for the purposes of this Wikipedia article.
- The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -idn or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- realis mood morpheme. When the realis mood morpheme is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces.
- Hemmings et al.
- Hemmings et al.
- Hemmings (2016) presents examples in which the subject in patient voice appears before the verb, and in which the subject in Actor Voice voice appears after the verb
- Hemmings, 2016 & pp=202-203.
- The patient voice suffix has two allomorphs, -en and -∅. The former occurs in non-perfective contexts, whereas the latter in perfective contexts.
- Taken from Kroeger (2005)'s examples in (20a-c), page 405, and from Kroeger (2017)'s examples in (5), (6a) and (7). The orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Kroeger (2017). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Kroeger (2017), page 5.
- According to Kroeger (2005; page 415, table (45)), the patient voice suffix has two allomorphs, -on and -∅. The former occurs in non-past contexts, whereas the latter in past contexts. The locative voice suffix does not exhibit such allomorphy, and can appear in both past and non-past contexts.
- According to Kroeger (2010; page 8), the instrument voice prefix has two allomorphs, i-, and ∅-. The latter surfaces in the presence of the transitivity prefix, poN-.
- The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a WH-word as the predicate. The instrument voice prefix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...".
- The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a WH-word as the predicate. The locative voice suffix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...".
- Taken from Prentice (1965)'s examples on pages 130 and 131. Glosses and translations for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Pearson (2005)'s examples in (2) and (10c). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Andersen (1991)'s example (74) on page 286. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from Andersen (1991)'s example (71) on page 285. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Taken from van Urk (2015)'s example (2) on page 61. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
- Van Urk (2015, page 69) indicates that the circumstantial voice suffix is attached to a stem composed of the verb and the patient voice ("object voice" in van Urk's terminology).
- Taken from Andersen (2015)'s example (1) on page 510. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article.
References
- Abrams, N. 1970. "Bilaan Morphology". Papers in Philippine Linguistics No.3 A-24:1-62.
- Aldridge, Edith. 2015. "A Minimalist Approach to the Emergence of Ergativity in Austronesian Languages". Linguistics Vanguard 1(1):313-326.
- Andersen, Torben. 1991. "Subject and Topic in Dinka". Studies in Language 15(2):265-294.
- Andersen, Torben. 2015. "Syntacticized topics in Kurmuk: A ternary voice-like system in Nilotic". Studies in Language 39(3):508-554.
- Bell, Sarah Johanna. 1976. Cebuano Subjects in Two Frameworks. PhD dissertation: Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
- Blust, Robert (2013), The Austronesian languages (Revised edition), Canberra: Australian National University, ISBN 9781922185075
- Boutin, Michael E. 2002. "Nominative and genitive case alternations in Bonggi". The history and typology of western Austronesian voice systems. eds. Fay Wouk and Malcolm Ross, pp 209-239. Pacific Linguistics 518. Canberra: Australian National University.
- Cauquelin, Josiane. 1991. "The Puyuma Language". Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 147(1):17-60.
- Estioca, Sharon Joy. 2020. A Grammar of Western Subanon. PhD Dissertation: University of Hawai’i at Mānoa.
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