Muslim–Muslim ticket

The Muslim–Muslim ticket is a term used to describe the political arrangement where both the presidential and vice-presidential candidates of a major party are Muslims. In Nigerian politics, it refers to a distinctive phenomenon in the political landscape of Nigeria where both the presidential and vice-presidential candidates on a political ticket belong to the Muslim faith. This has been a controversial issue in Nigeria, a country with a roughly equal population of Muslims and Christians, and a history of ethno-religious conflicts. The Muslim–Muslim ticket has been seen by some as a threat to the religious balance and harmony of the country, and by others as a progressive move that transcends religious sentiments and focuses on competence and merit.

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Overview
Countries with Muslim majority

The concept of the Muslim–Muslim ticket in Nigerian politics represents a distinctive and often contentious phenomenon within the country's political landscape.[1][2] Nigeria, a nation characterised by its religious and ethnic diversity, has seen occasional instances where both the presidential and vice-presidential candidates on a political ticket belong to the Muslim faith.[3][4] This unique arrangement has garnered significant attention and controversy, touching on issues of religious representation, power dynamics, and political strategy.[5]

The emergence of Muslim–Muslim tickets is rooted in Nigeria's complex socio-political history, which has often intersected with religious dynamics. The nation is roughly divided between its predominantly Muslim northern regions and largely Christian southern regions, each with distinct political aspirations and interests.[6] The tensions arising from this religious divide have occasionally led political parties to adopt the Muslim–Muslim ticket as a strategic move.

Historically, the pre-independence era was marked by regional divisions and religious disparities. Muslim leaders from the northern regions sought to assert their influence in the political arena, laying the groundwork for future political strategies centred around religious identity. Post-independence, Nigeria faced numerous challenges, including religious tensions. The emergence of Muslim–Muslim tickets in presidential elections became a contentious issue, reflecting the deep-seated religious divisions that persisted.[5]

Key elections in Nigeria's history have showcased the Muslim–Muslim ticket's significance.[7] These elections were characterised by intense political manoeuvring, where political parties carefully selected candidates to navigate the complex religious landscape.[7] The outcomes of such elections often had far-reaching consequences for the nation's unity and stability, as they were perceived as either consolidating Muslim dominance or fostering inclusivity.[8]

The Muslim–Muslim ticket has not been without controversy and implications.[7] Critics argue that it can exacerbate religious tensions and reinforce regional divides.[9] Proponents, on the other hand, assert that it reflects the democratic principle of candidate selection based on merit, irrespective of religious affiliation. Debates surrounding these tickets continue to shape the political discourse in Nigeria, making it a subject of ongoing analysis and scrutiny.[10]

Historical background

The historical roots of the Muslim–Muslim ticket in Nigerian politics run deep, closely tied to the nation's intricate socio-political history and the interplay of religious and regional dynamics.[2] Nigeria's journey towards nationhood began during the colonial era when British colonialists established control over various regions, each with its unique ethnic and religious composition.[2]

One significant event in this period was the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates in 1914, forming the entity known as Nigeria.[11][12] This amalgamation brought together regions with distinct religious majorities, as the north was predominantly Muslim, while the south had a Christian majority. This division would have long-lasting implications for Nigeria's political landscape.[12]

During the colonial era, religious and regional differences were actively used by the colonial administration to maintain control. This fostered religious identities and regional affiliations among the Nigerian populace.[13] As a result, when Nigeria gained independence in 1960, these divisions persisted and became deeply entrenched in the political discourse.

In the years immediately following independence, Nigeria was characterised by political instability, military coups, and ethnic tensions. In 1967, the secession of the southeastern region under the leadership of Biafra's Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu led to the Nigerian Civil War. This conflict, which lasted until 1970, further deepened ethnic and regional divisions.[2]

The First Republic of Nigeria, which existed from 1963 to 1966, witnessed the early emergence of the Muslim–Muslim ticket as a political strategy.[14] One notable instance was the 1964 election in the Western Region, where the Action Group, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, attempted to field Muslim–Muslim tickets, sparking controversy and contributing to political tensions.[15][14]

In 1966, Nigeria experienced its first military coup, which led to a series of coups and counter-coups.[15] The instability culminated in the Nigerian Civil War, as mentioned earlier. The war further exacerbated religious and regional tensions, shaping the political landscape in its aftermath.

The return to civilian rule in 1979 marked a new era in Nigerian politics, but the legacy of religious and regional divisions persisted. In the years that followed, several elections saw the emergence of Muslim–Muslim tickets, often sparking debates about the implications of such choices for national unity and representation.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Nigeria grappled with military rule, political turmoil, and economic challenges. The political landscape continued to be influenced by religious and regional identities, with Muslim–Muslim tickets being periodically contested and scrutinised.

In 1999, Nigeria transitioned to democracy once again, and this period saw both the continuation and evolution of the Muslim–Muslim ticket phenomenon. The issue remained contentious, with political parties carefully strategising their candidate selections in an attempt to navigate the intricate web of religious and regional loyalties.

Key elections

The phenomenon of the Muslim–Muslim ticket in Nigerian politics has manifested prominently in several key elections, shaping the nation's political landscape and sparking significant debates. These elections often revolved around the delicate balance of religious representation, regional dynamics, and political manoeuvring.[5]

1979 presidential election

One of the earliest instances of the Muslim–Muslim ticket was witnessed in the 1979 presidential election. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN) fielded Shehu Shagari, a Muslim from the north, as the presidential candidate, with Alex Ekwueme, a Christian from the south, as his running mate.[16] While not a strictly Muslim–Muslim ticket, it set the stage for future debates about religious and regional representation.[17]

1983 presidential election

In the 1983 election, Shehu Shagari once again ran as the presidential candidate for the NPN, with Alex Ekwueme as his running mate. Shagari won the election but was marred by allegations of fraud and irregularities, leading to the eventual military coup that ousted Shagari.[18][19][20]

1993 presidential election

The 1993 presidential election is one of the most iconic in Nigeria's history. Moshood Abiola, a Muslim businessman from the southwest, ran as the candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).[21][22] His running mate, Babagana Kingibe, was also a Muslim from the north.[23] Abiola won the election, but the results were annulled by the military, leading to widespread protests and political turmoil.[24][25][26]

1999 presidential election

Following years of military rule, Nigeria transitioned to democracy in 1999.[26] In this election, Olusegun Obasanjo, a Christian from the southwest, ran as the candidate of the People's Democratic Party (PDP), while Atiku Abubakar, a Muslim from the north, was his running mate.[27][28] This election marked a significant shift away from the Muslim–Muslim ticket trend, with a deliberate effort to balance religious representation.[29]

2003 presidential election

In the 2003 election, Olusegun Obasanjo, a Christian from the south and a candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, secured the presidency.[30] He chose Atiku Abubakar, a Muslim from the north, as his running mate. Meanwhile, Muhammadu Buhari, a Muslim from the north, contested in the opposition party, ANPP, and selected Chuba Okadigbo, a Christian from the east, as his running mate.[31][32]

2007 presidential election

In the 2007 election, Umaru Yar'Adua, a Muslim from the north, emerged as the presidential candidate of the PDP.[33] He selected Goodluck Jonathan, a Christian from the south, as his running mate.[34][35] This election was notable for its emphasis on the principle of zoning, which aimed to maintain a balance between northern and southern leadership.[36][37]

2011 presidential election

The 2011 election saw Goodluck Jonathan, now the incumbent president, run for re-election.[38] He maintained the zoning principle by choosing Namadi Sambo, a Muslim from the north, as his running mate.[39] This election highlighted the ongoing debate about power rotation and the delicate religious and regional balance in Nigerian politics.[40]

2015 presidential election

In the 2015 election, Muhammadu Buhari, a Muslim from the north, ran as the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC).[41] His running mate, Yemi Osinbajo, a Christian from the southwest, reflected an effort to balance religious representation.[42][43] Buhari's victory marked a significant political transition in Nigeria.[44][45]

2019 presidential election

The 2019 election witnessed a rematch between Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar, who ran as the presidential candidate of the PDP.[46] While Buhari retained his Muslim identity, his choice of running mate, Yemi Osinbajo, once again emphasised religious diversity, maintaining the balance between the two major religious groups.[47]

2023 presidential election

The 2023 election was held on 25 February 2023, to elect the president and vice-president of Nigeria. Bola Tinubu, a former Governor of Lagos State and nominee of the All Progressives Congress, won the disputed election with 36.61% of the vote, 8,794,726 total votes.[48][49] His running mate, Kashim Shettima, is also a Muslim.[50] The election drew attention to the continued debate about religious and regional considerations in Nigerian politics.[51]

Controversies and implications

The adoption of the Muslim–Muslim ticket in Nigerian politics has consistently stirred controversy and carried significant implications for the nation's socio-political landscape.[52] This contentious practice often revolves around the delicate balance of religious representation, regional dynamics, and political manoeuvring, sparking debates and concerns.

One persistent controversy is rooted in religious tensions and perceptions of favouritism. Critics argue that such tickets can deepen religious divides, creating the perception that one religious group is favoured over the other.[5]

The Muslim–Muslim ticket often intersects with regional politics and power dynamics. The choice of presidential candidates can be influenced by the need to secure votes in specific regions. For instance, in the 2011 election, President Goodluck Jonathan's selection of Namadi Sambo as his running mate was seen as a strategy to appeal to the northern regions and maintain regional balance.

Political parties in Nigeria strategically deploy the Muslim–Muslim ticket to gain electoral advantages. The controversy arises when this strategy appears to prioritise political calculations over inclusivity. In the 2015 election, the All Progressives Congress (APC) adopted the Muslim–Muslim ticket with Muhammadu Buhari and Yemi Osinbajo, prompting debates about whether it was a reflection of the party's commitment to religious diversity.

The use of the Muslim–Muslim ticket can influence public perception and trust in the political process. Scepticism often arises when voters question the sincerity of political parties in promoting unity and inclusivity.[32]

"Therefore we are going to reinforce and reinvigorate the fight not only against; "elements of Boko Haram which are attempting a new series of attacks on soft targets, "kidnappings, farmers versus herdsmen clashes, "in addition to ethnic violence fuelled by political mischief makers. We shall tackle them all."

Muhammadu Buhari, Sahara Reporters, 2017[53]

At its core, the controversy surrounding the Muslim–Muslim ticket revolves around its potential to challenge Nigeria's national unity. The nation's diversity is its strength, but the persistent use of such tickets can strain the delicate fabric of unity.[54]

The adoption of Muslim–Muslim tickets has occasionally led to legal challenges and electoral disputes. Candidates and parties contesting the legitimacy of election outcomes based on religious and regional considerations have resulted in extended legal battles. The 2007 presidential election, which faced legal challenges, serves as a prime example.

The media plays a crucial role in shaping public discourse around the Muslim–Muslim ticket. Media outlets often provide a platform for public figures and analysts to express their views.[55] For instance, in the aftermath of the 2015 election, Nigerian newspapers featured diverse opinions on the implications of the ticket for the nation's political landscape.[32]

Civil society organisations have been actively engaged in advocating for transparency and inclusivity in Nigerian politics. They have organised forums and campaigns to promote national unity and discourage divisive electoral strategies.[56] The Civil Society Coalition for Inclusive Governance, for instance, has called for greater inclusivity in the electoral process.[57][58]

The use of the Muslim–Muslim ticket has also drawn international attention and perspectives. International observers and diplomats have expressed concerns about its potential impact on Nigeria's stability and reputation. The European Union, in a statement during the 2019 election, emphasised the importance of credible and inclusive elections in Nigeria.[59][60]

The recurring debates over the Muslim–Muslim ticket have led to calls for electoral reforms in Nigeria. Advocates argue that reforms should address issues of candidate selection, party politics, and campaign regulations to promote inclusivity.[9] The National Electoral Reform Committee (NERC) has actively explored such reforms.[61]

Traditional and religious leaders have also weighed in on the controversies surrounding these tickets. Their influence in Nigerian society can shape public opinion and impact electoral outcomes. In 2007, prominent Islamic leaders called for unity and peaceful coexistence during the elections.[62]

Young activists and civic organisations have increasingly played a role in addressing the controversies associated with the Muslim–Muslim ticket. Youth-led initiatives have sought to promote a more inclusive and united Nigeria through advocacy and awareness campaigns.[63]

The Nigerian judiciary has been instrumental in adjudicating electoral disputes arising from the adoption of Muslim–Muslim tickets.[64] Court decisions have sometimes shaped the trajectory of Nigerian politics, emphasising the importance of an independent and fair judiciary.[65]

Recent developments

The sole instance of a Muslim–Muslim ticket succeeding in Nigerian politics occurred in 1993 when Moshood Abiola and Babagana Kingibe of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) secured victory in the presidential election.[66] However, this historic election was marred by its annulment by the military regime led by Ibrahim Babangida.[24][67] The aftermath of the annulment escalated into a political crisis, culminating in the tragic demise of Abiola and the ascension of another military dictator, Sani Abacha.[67]

Following this tumultuous period, Nigeria witnessed a significant hiatus without major political parties fielding a Muslim–Muslim ticket until 2022.[68] In this year, the All Progressives Congress (APC), the ruling political party, made headlines by announcing its presidential candidate as Bola Tinubu, a former Lagos State governor and a prominent party leader.[69] Surprisingly, the party paired him with Kashim Shettima, a former Borno State governor, as the vice-presidential candidate.[70][71] The APC vehemently defended this choice, asserting that Tinubu and Shettima were selected based on their proven track records of performance, integrity, and popularity, with their religious affiliations being secondary.[72][73] The party further emphasised that Nigeria's constitution does not impose any religious prerequisites for elective offices and underscored the nation's secular nature.[8]

However, the announcement of the Muslim–Muslim ticket by the APC triggered a diverse range of reactions from various segments of Nigerian society.[74][75] Some individuals and groups embraced the decision as a courageous and innovative stride that could potentially reshape the nation's political landscape, fostering national unity and progress.[76] Advocates cited examples from other countries where leaders from the same or different religious backgrounds had effectively governed without compromising stability.[77][10] They also pointed to Tinubu and Shettima's demonstrated commitment to religious tolerance and diversity, as both leaders had appointed Christians as their deputies during their respective governorships.[78]

Conversely, a significant faction expressed vehement opposition to the choice, viewing it as a perilous and polarising manoeuvre that might undermine Nigeria's fragile peace and unity while deterring millions of Christians from participating in the electoral process. Critics alluded to instances in which religion had been exploited by politicians and extremists, leading to violence and strife. They also argued that Tinubu and Shettima had exhibited favouritism toward Islam by endorsing Sharia law and Islamic banking in their respective states.[6]

Notably, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), representing all Christian denominations in the country, emerged as a vocal opponent of the Muslim–Muslim ticket.[79][6] CAN issued a stern warning to leading political parties against contemplating Christian/Christian or Muslim/Muslim presidential tickets in 2023, asserting that such a development could jeopardise Nigeria's precarious peace and unity. Barrister Joseph Bade Daramola, CAN's National Secretary, emphasised that Nigeria was not yet mature enough to navigate these sensitive issues that could inflame religious sentiments and provoke conflicts.[80][81] He urged political parties to uphold the principle of power-sharing and rotation among the country's six geopolitical zones and between Christians and Muslims.[40]

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, a Christian who presided over Nigeria from 1999 to 2007 under the People's Democratic Party (PDP), joined the chorus of critics.[82][83] He declared his unwillingness to support any party that fielded a Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian ticket in 2023, describing such an arrangement as insensitive and unfair to the diverse Nigerian populace.[83] He advised Tinubu to reconsider his choice of Shettima as a running mate and instead select someone from a different religion or region to balance the ticket.[84][85]

However, proponents of the Muslim–Muslim ticket dismissed these criticisms as unsubstantiated and motivated by personal interests and political calculations.[85] They accused CAN and Obasanjo of exhibiting bias and partisanship in favour of PDP's presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, who is also a Muslim but opted for Peter Obi, a Christian from the South-East, as his running mate,[86] who later decamped to Labour Party as the presidential candidate.[87][88] Supporters of the Muslim–Muslim ticket challenged CAN and Obasanjo to explain why they did not object to the Abiola-Kingibe ticket in 1993 or the Obasanjo-Atiku ticket in 1999 and 2003.[89]

“I wish to state unequivocally that the statements are absolute lies. There was nowhere I granted anyone any interview or preached on any platform, where I said the ludicrous statements. I challenge anyone who is in possession of the video or audio file of the statements to please put it in the public space.”

Tunde Bakare, Sahara Reporters, 2017[90]

Additionally, proponents of the Muslim–Muslim ticket claimed endorsements from influential figures and groups spanning religious lines.[91] They pointed to Pastor Tunde Bakare, a prominent Christian cleric and leader of the Latter Rain Assembly, who allegedly expressed his support for the Tinubu-Shettima ticket in 2023. Bakare later denied his alleged endorsement of the Muslim–Muslim ticket.[90] The Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), a socio-cultural organisation of northern elites, and the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, a socio-cultural group representing Igbo people, also opposed the Tinubu-Shettima ticket, citing their demonstrated respect for the interests of the North and the South-East.[92][93]

The Muslim–Muslim ticket has ignited fervent debates among scholars, analysts, and commentators who contemplate its implications and prospects for Nigerian democracy and development.[94] Some argue that the acceptance of the Muslim–Muslim ticket reflects the growing political maturity and sophistication of Nigerians.[95][96] They contend that Nigerians prioritise the competence and character of their leaders over religious backgrounds. Furthermore, they maintain that this ticket signals a declining influence of religion in Nigerian politics, as more Nigerians acknowledge the pitfalls of intertwining religion and politics.[6][91]

Conversely, others posit that the Muslim–Muslim ticket signifies deepening political turmoil and polarisation in Nigeria.[97][98] They contend that the nation is now more divided along religious lines than ever before, suggesting that the ticket is a symptom of the country's political system's failure to produce credible leaders capable of representing the diversity and aspirations of Nigerians.[99]

Furthermore, doubts arise about whether the Muslim–Muslim ticket can tackle Nigeria's myriad challenges, including insecurity, corruption, poverty, unemployment, infrastructure deficiencies, healthcare, and education.[100] Skeptics wonder if the ticket can implement policies and programs conducive to national integration, social justice, human rights, gender equality, and more.

The Muslim–Muslim ticket has also prompted speculation regarding the potential consequences if either Tinubu or Shettima were to pass away or become incapacitated before or after the election.[101] Some suggest that such an eventuality could trigger a constitutional crisis and a power vacuum that opportunists and troublemakers might exploit.[9] Others posit that it could lead to a dialogue and compromise among political actors and stakeholders, potentially resulting in a new political configuration accommodating diverse group and regional interests.[102]

See also

References

Notes
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Bibliography
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