Jebel Moya

Wellcome supervised the first field season, from January 29 - April 1911. An unrecorded number of graves were excavated during the first field season, but it was evidently enough for Wellcome to apply and receive a concessions license.

House of Boulders, Jebel Moya. Wellcome Collection.

Wellcome appointed Oric Bates as field director for the second field season (December 1911- April 1912). He also appointed Douglas Derry as the first chief medical officer and field bioanthropologists. A total of 709 graves were excavated in the East and South Jebel sectors. During the second season, construction began on the “House of Boulders”, designed to absorb laborers not required for excavation work; they worked to erect workshops and iron shed stores.[6]

Field directorship was handed to James Dixon and G.A. Wainwright for the third field season, from November 1912 - April 1913, assisted by M.B. Ray and L. Dudley Buxton, who replaced Derry. A total of 310 graves were excavated in the Southwest, West, South and Northeast, but not East, sectors during the third season.[6]

The final season, from Nov 1913 - April 1914, yielded 1772 graves. The onset of the first World War disrupted any plans for future seasons. Work did not resume after the war ended, and Wellcome passed away in 1936.[6]

Due to a variety of setbacks, including two world wars and Wellcome's death in 1936, the first official report on Jebel Moya was not published until 1949 by Frank Addison, who was appointed by the Wellcome Trust.[8] The Trustees of the Wellcome Trust also appointed G.M. Morant, assisted by Otto Samson, to examine the remains from Jebel Moya. Unable to continue after the Second World War, the project to complete osteological work was transferred to J.C. Trevor, who employed R. Mukherjee and C.R. Rao to do the majority of the analyses. They published their analysis in 1955.[6]

During the 41 years in between excavating and the 1955 study[7] re-examining the remains from Jebel Moya, a significant amount of material was lost due to poor storage conditions. Materials from Jebel Moya had been shipped to a depot in Maryleborne, and a warehouse in Dartford, London. The Dartford warehouse flooded in 1928; surviving materials, along with the Maryleborne materials, were shipped to Stamore in Middlesex, where Addison and his assistant L. P. Kirwan began their work, in 1937. During this time, undecorated pottery sherds were discarded as waste, as they were (falsely) considered to lack any diagnostic properties.[6]

Out of the 3000-plus skeletons excavated, 98 crania and 139 mandibles, as well as a small number of other post cranial bones, survived.[5] However, the original field cards for all of the skeletons remained. Unfortunately, only 326 of the 2903 field cards contained complete information of observations and measurements made on site during the excavation. Only 25% of the cards contained accurate or useful information.[7] Like the skeletal remains, only a small number of excavated artifacts survived their time in storage.[9]

Despite the setbacks caused by these conditions, the 1955 report was groundbreaking for its use of the now common Mahalanobis D2 distance to craniometric data; according to the Mukherjee, “The result was a measure of group divergence between Jebel Moya and 19 other African samples.”[7]

Due to errors with stratigraphic information from the original excavations, Addison's original dating (1000-400 BCE)[8] for occupation and use of the site was inaccurate. He later modified the dates to between 400 BCE-400 CE, coinciding with the Meroitic kingdom to the north.

In 1994, Rudolf Gerharz’ reinterpretation of the dating of Jebel Moya, based on Addison's data, included three more accurate time phases for the site. Phase I (5000 BCE) included occasional occupations at the site, and Dotted Wavy Line pottery. Phase II (3000-800 BCE) included the majority of the graves at Jebel Moya,[10] including burials in the western half, and many unspecified burials with no or little grave goods from the eastern half.[6] Phase III (800-100 BCE) is potentially the first to feature trade items from the north, particularly metals, ceramics and glass. Phase III encompassed the remainder of the graves in the eastern half of Jebel Moya. Gerharz’ estimates for the second and third phases were incorrect; the absence of Meroitic wheel-made pottery at Jebel Moya does not indicate the site's abandonment by 100 BCE, given the appearance of locally manufactured wheel made pottery.[10]

Current hypotheses posit that a network of craft communities allowed the spread of ideas and animals into central/south-central Sudan between 6000 and 5000 BCE.[11]

All surviving site features, including graves, date in Phase II (ca. 3000-800 BCE) and Phase III (800-100 BCE).[5] The main occupation at Jebel Moya is dated to 2300 BCE.[9] The first conclusive evidence for burials at Jebel Moya dates to the mid-first century BCE.[2]

Period 1, following Gerharz' Phase I, dates to the late sixth or early fifth millennium BCE. Period 2 dates between 2500 and 1500 BCE. It is inferred from surrounding economies to the north that during this period, the inhabitants of Jebel Moya were pastoral or agro-pastoral. Period 3 dates between 100 BCE and 500 CE, during which the majority of the burials were interred.[4] Accelerator Mass Spectrometry dating of bone samples from Jebel Moya were unsuccessful due to lack of collagen. OSL dating of pottery is the first absolute date from Jebel Moya.[2]

The depth of the site from the highest point on the ground surface to the lowest point on bedrock was 2.8 meters (9'3"). 36 of the burials were crouched, 217 of the burials were prone, and 1695 burials were supine, with 355 on their left side, and 430 on their right side. The majority of the burials were facing somewhat north or west.[1]

Skeleton in Situ. Wellcome Collection.

All ages and sexes were represented in the burials at Jebel Moya. 2026 burials (64.7%) were buried without grave goods; many had only a small number. According to Addison's report, “There was little evidence of a standard mortuary practice; tomb types differed in appearance, body position varied widely, and graves ‘were oriented to every point of the compass."[8] In addition to human burials, 55 occurrences of cattle bones were found, either as individual cattle burials, or in association with a human burial. Several cattle figurines made of clay were also excavated, though none were associated with the graves or burials.[2]

There is little evidence of a standard burial practice. Tomb types, body positions, and orientations often differed.[5] 24 burials are associated with pottery; sixteen are from whole or mostly whole vessels, four are “pot bursts” where sherds cover a portion of the body, and seven have loose pottery sherds. They are all from Assemblage 3(100 BCE-500 CE). Graves at Jebel Moya were either round pits, oval graves, or graves of indeterminate shape. No permanent grave markings appear, or at least none have survived. There is a strong uniformity in number and type of burial assemblages; a high level of androgyny, at least in a mortuary realm.[6]

There are 93 infant burials at Jebel Moya, 35 of which have associated grave foods. The largest percentage of oval burials occurs for infant burials (16.13%). They are not distinguishable from other burials in terms of orientation and burial type, and do not form a distinct area on the cemetery. There are no artifacts exclusively seen in infant burials, but the burials seem to have a restricted range of goods: beads, bracelets, pendants, and lipstuds.[6]

There are 199 juvenile burials at Jebel Moya, 67 of which have associated grave goods. Like the infants, there are no exclusive categories for juveniles, however, a wider array of artifacts were found with juveniles than infants. Grave shapes are similar to that of adults. Juvenile burials were not distinguished from adult burials in terms of bodily orientation, burial posture, or burial location within the cemetery.[6]

Young adults had no categories exclusive to them. A wide variety of artifacts were found in association with burials. They were buried similarly to adults.[6]

Adults graves far outnumbered the rest, totaling 2421, 880 of which have associated assemblages. Adults have the greatest quantity of material items. There is no strong depositional preference for materials to be associated more or less with males or females, except in the Southwest sector of the cemetery, where lip studs seem to be associated with females. There is no comparative data for the rest of cemetery.[6]

There is some kind of spatial relationship present in the Northeast Sector of the cemetery, where a higher percentage of “rich” burials are found, and less “poor” ones. Explanations include the existence of some kind of above ground marker. While there is a large amount of uniformity in artifact categories, there is a distinct pattern unique to rich burials, creating an area of prestige. The presence of carnelian, highly prized elsewhere during this time, supports the potential of these burials being of a social elite. There was an increased ratio in the Northeast sector, perhaps ‘lesser lineages’ trying to associate with a dominant lineage.[6]

Only in the Northeast section of the site, where there is the highest density of burials, is there a distinct spatial pattern. The 27 burials with the most grave goods formed a “spatial neighborhood”; there were fewer burials with less or no grave goods within a 20-meter (65') radius of any “rich” burial. “In other words, there appears to have been some kind of social prohibition on burying within 20 meters (65') of these richest burials, and the individual locations of these burials were permanently marked in some unknown way. The ‘rich’ burials are identical to ‘poor’ burials in terms of construction features; they are relatively shallow, and are unlined. Individuals of both rich and poor burials are of the same homogeneous group.[4]

Three Period 3 sherds of pottery were petrographically tested; they all had common characteristics, which include “abundant, poorly-sorted, generally angular inclusions of quartz and feldspar in a non-calcareous clay matrix”. There was little processing to the clay before vessel construction, and no evidence of any kind of temper to the clay. This analysis also ‘confirmed’ that it was likely the inhabitants of Jebel Moya who inhabited Jebel Saqadi 20 km (10 miles) to the Northwest.[4]

After World War II, the excavation records, remains, and artifacts were placed with the Duckworth Laboratory at the University of Cambridge, where they remain. Most of the pottery excavated at Jebel Moya was donated to the British Museum, with some finds going to the Petrie Museum (University College London), the Pitt Rivers Museum (University of Oxford) and the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (University of Cambridge). Only a few artifacts were returned to Sudan.[2]

Cultural diversity in artifacts suggested that Jebel Moyans could have been biologically diverse; Murkhajee et al. tested this theory by measuring the skulls of the remaining skeletons in England. Craniometric testing by Murkhajee and Rao concluded that "physical characters of the Jebel Moyans are reliably represented by the mean values for the sample" (Mukherjee); that is, the population was stable in a heterogeneous composition over time (3000 years). Craniometric data shows unlikely similarities between far west Africans (historic Ibo and Cameroon), potentially supporting an unlikely west African link.[5]

The dental study by J.D. Irish et al. was modeled on the original craniometric testing done by Murkhajee and Rao, and results were similar; ‘indications of outside biological influence’. 36 dental traits were recorded in 19 African samples. The phenetic similarity suggests that the population at Jebel Moya contains features from both sub-Saharan and North African peoples, but is specifically distinct from those populations. Results suggest that the population of Jebel Moya was uniform, but distinct, from other populations.[5]

The population of Jebel Moya shows the closest dental similarities to North Africans, but cranially, the population was more similar to sub-Saharan samples. This could be due to different heritability of dental vs. cranial features. These results show that Jebel Moyans had a complex genetic heritage from populations surrounding central Sudan. Regardless of the origin of the population of Jebel Moya, culturally, it was distinctive from (aforementioned) outside groups. Dental data puts Jebel Moyans closest to Ethiopians and A-group Nubians, and furthers from Meroitic and C-group Nubians - which shows a cultural influence without ‘biological affinity’. The appearance of this distinct Jebel Moya group coincided with the beginning of Phase 2 (3000-800 BCE) and continued through Phase 3 (800-100BC); this corresponds with recovered skeletal remains. Gerharz regarded the Jebel Moyans as a distinct heterogeneous culture which blended various elements from outside groups. The diversity in grave types, orientations, and goods is supportive of this theory. Gerharz theory suggests that Jebel Moya was an ‘annual meeting place of widely distributed segmentary family units, the common identity of which was maintained by their periodical cohabitation there’.[14] Overall: Jebel Moyans appeared to be most closely biologically related to northeast Africans. Culturally, there appears to be a mosaic of northern, southern, and western influences, incorporated into a distinct Jebel Moya Complex.[5]

In 1999, a dental analysis was performed by Rachel Hutton MacDonald (1999). Her dental anthropological study of occlusal macrowear, buccal microwear and carious lesions, give evidence that the inhabitants of Jebel Moya were pastoralists.[4] MacDonald studied teeth samples from Jebel Moya in comparison with hunter-gatherers, pastoralists, and agriculturalist societies. Dental caries occur when the enamel of the teeth demineralizes due to a pH in the mouth below 5.5. 2411 teeth from Jebel Moya were studied, with .2% having caries, which is the same as known pastoral societies. In contrast, the incidence of  caries in Meroitic Nubia was 15.1%. The caries at Jebel Moya most frequently occurred on the third molar, whereas in known agricultural populations, caries occurred most on the second molar.[2] Dental macrowear was also examined; wear patterns between the first and second molars were examined. Data was collected on the amount of visible dentine, the wear, angle, and wear direction. Hunter-gatherers exhibited different patterns of tooth wear (incisors an canines) relative to their molars and premolars. Pastoralists and agriculturalists wore down molars first. Hunter gatherers had rounded horizontal wear forms; pastoralists and agriculturalists had oblique wear angles, and cupped wear forms. Enamel chipping was common on the teeth from Jebel Moya; perhaps of a dietary cause, or due to the use of teeth as tools. It affected men and women equally. There was also deliberate removal of some teeth. Abscesses in pastoral populations have been attributed to teeth wearing on each other, and at Jebel Moya, the wearing of lip studs. Anterior teeth are more commonly lost to abscess in pastoralists. The ritual removing of these teeth at Jebel Moya perhaps accounts for this. 292 individuals had teeth removed, ranging from lower central incisors, to all incisors, upper canine, etc. There are 69 instances of upper incisors being removed, canines were removed in 8 occurrences.[5]

The results of the craniometric study, the dental morphology and general dental comparison study, show the population of Jebel Moya was pastoralist in nature, distinctive bio-culturally, displaying similarities to sub-Saharan Africans. The individuals at Jebel Moya were from a pastoralist, homogeneous though biologically distinct population.[5]