History of women in Korea

Korean women have had changing roles in society over time.

Family structure from the Goryeo Dynasty to the Joseon Dynasty

The transformation of the family from the Goryeo Dynasty (Korean: 고려; 918 - 1392) to the Joseon Dynasty (Korean: 조선; 1392 - 1910) caused the gradual decline of Korean women’s status and visibility in the public sphere. The most impressive change was a shift from an emphasis on a matrilineal to a patrilineal structure of kinship and identity.[1]

During Goryeo Dynasty newly married couples used to live with the bride's family, which offered numerous advantages for the women, not least of which was economic. A woman could safeguard her share of the inheritance she shared equally with her male siblings. In the Joseon Dynasty the establishment of a patrilineal line eroded women's rights and privileges from the changing of residential arrangements to the rigid rule of primogeniture, which identified the eldest son as the principal heir, as considered important for the sustainability and continuity of the lineage.[1]

The moral of Confucianism imposed a strict division of the sexes, presumably to prevent adultery and other sexual misconducts. Over time, these meticulous laws about family relations sought to maintain parental authority, the prerogatives of social class, the discouragement of illegitimacy and the domination of men in matters of inheritance.[1]

The institution of "Seven Evils Rules"[2] (which included the inability to bear a son, disobedience to her parents-in-law, adultery, display of jealousy, chronic illness, theft and loquacity) gave men the opportunity to use these clauses to divorce their wives.

So korean women during Joseon Dynasty were completely powerless in this rigid structure.[3]

Women during the Joseon era
Further information: Society in the Joseon dynasty § Women

An improvement in the status of women first appeared during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. A large number of Western Christian missionaries came to South Korea in order to set up modern schools. Some of these were established in order to educate women in diverse areas including literature, arts and religion. Prior to this, most Korean women did not have any access to education. As a result of this education, Korean women became able to participate in political movements because those who received education also took part in teaching other women.[4]

The Korean women's movement started in the 1890s with the foundation of Chanyang-hoe, followed by a number of other groups, primarily focused on women's education and the abolition of gender segregation and other didscriminatory practices.[5]

Japanese Occupation era

When Korea was under the colonial administration of Imperial Japan, many Korean women (numbering up to 200,000) were forced to work as comfort women in Japan's military brothels. Until the end of World War II, Korea was under Japanese occupation.[6] Women participated in the independence movement against Japanese occupation during the 1910-45 period of Japanese colonisation.

When Korea became a Japanese colony in 1910 women's associations were banned by the Japanese and many women instead engaged in the underground resistance groups such as the Yosong Aeguk Tongji-hoe (Patriotic Women's Society) and the Taehan Aeguk Buin-hoe (Korean Patriotic Women's Society).[5] As a result, the role of women in society began to change.[7]

The Republic of South Korea: Social change and new family structures
See also: Gender inequality in South Korea

After becoming independent from Japan, the Republic of Korea was established as a liberal democracy. Women were granted the constitutional right to equal opportunities and could pursue education, work, and public life. A number of schools were founded for the education of women. Women educated in these schools began to take part in the arts, teaching and other economic activities. They also engaged other women in the discussion of gender equality.[8]

The percentage of women in professional fields has steadily increased which has resulted in significant contributions to society, especially in terms of increasing GDP. As they took a larger role in economic activities, the educational level of women also increased, providing additional opportunities for professionalization. Today, Korean women receive high levels of education and actively participate in a wide variety of fields, including education, medicine, engineering, scholarship, the arts, law, literature, and sports.[9]

Women's movement

After end of the War and the partition of Korea in 1945, the Korean women's movement was split. In North Korea all women's movement was channelled in to the Korean Democratic Women's Union; in South Korea, the women's movement were united under the Korean National Council of Women in 1959, which in 1973 organized the women's group in the Pan-Women's Society for the Revision of the Family Law to revise the discriminating Family Law of 1957, a cause that remained a main focus for the rest of the 20th-century and did not result in any major reform until 1991.[5]

The Democratic People's Republic of Korea
See also: Women's rights in North Korea

See also

Bibliography
  • David P. Baker and David L. Stevenson - Mothers' Strategies for Children's School Achievement: Managing the Transition to High School, in Sociology of Education Vol. 59, No. 3, Jul. 1986.
  • Katrina Maynes, Korean Perceptions of Chastity ceptions of Chastity, Gender Roles, and Libido; F , Gender Roles, and Libido; From Kisaengs to the Twenty First Century, in Grand Valley Journal of History, vol. 1, n. 1, February 2012.
  • Michael J. Pettid & Youngmin Kim - Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea: New Perspectives, in Journal of Korean Religions Vol. 3, No. 1, Late Chosŏn Buddhism, April 2012.
  • Park So Jin - Educational Manager Mothers: South Korea’s Neoliberal Transformation, in Korea Journal Vol. 47, no.3, 2007.
  • Jesook Song - ‘A room of one’s own’: the meaning of spatial autonomy for unmarried women in neoliberal South Korea, in Gender, Place and Culture Vol. 17, No. 2, April 2010.

Notes
  1. Kim, Youngmin; Pettid, Michael J. (2011). Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea : new perspectives (PDF). Albany: SUNY Press. ISBN 978-1-4384-3775-0. OCLC 702940796.
  2. Maynes, Katrina (February 2012). "Korean Perceptions of Chastity ceptions of Chastity, Gender Roles, and Libido; F, Gender Roles, and Libido; From Kisaengs to the Twenty First Century". Grand Valley Journal of History. 1 (1).
  3. "Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea: New Perspectives (review)". Journal of Korean Religions. Late Chosŏn Buddhism. 3 (1): 154–156. April 2012. doi:10.1353/jkr.2012.0011. ISSN 2167-2040. S2CID 151183615. Retrieved 1 October 2021.
  4. Song, Jesook (April 2010). "'A room of one's own': the meaning of spatial autonomy for unmarried women in neoliberal South Korea". Gender, Place & Culture. 17 (2): 131–149. doi:10.1080/09663691003600264. ISSN 0966-369X. S2CID 145673321.
  5. Tétreault, Mary Ann, Women and Revolution in Africa, Asia, and the New World
  6. Li, Zoe (17 June 2014). "UNESCO lists Nanjing Massacre and 'comfort women,' China says". CNN U.S. Edition. Cable News Network, Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. Archived from the original on 30 June 2015. Retrieved 24 April 2015.
  7. Soh, Sarah (2008). The Comfort Women: Sexual Violence and Postcolonial Memory in Korea and Japan. ISBN 9780226767765.
  8. Chun, Ye Eun (23 December 2013). "Why Korean Women Opt Out". World Policy Journal Blog. World Policy Institute. Archived from the original on 5 May 2015. Retrieved 24 April 2015.
  9. Resos, Archie (10 March 2014). "The Empowerment of Women in South Korea". Journal of International Affairs. Columbia University SIPA. Archived from the original on 21 April 2015. Retrieved 24 April 2015.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.